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MY  STORY 

BY 

ANSON  MILLS 

BRIGADIER  GENERAL,  U.  S.  ARMY 


SECOND  EDITION 


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MY  STORY 


BY 

ANSON  MILLS 

Brigadier  General,  U.  S.  A. 


Edited  by  C.  H.  Claudy 


PUBLISHED  BY  THE  AUTHOR 
19  2  1 

SECOND  EDITION 


I’RESS  OF  BYIION  S.  ADAMS 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C. 


COPYRIGHT  1U18 


BY  ANSON  MILLS.  BRIG.-GEN.  U.  S.  A. 


CONTENTS 


FIRST  PERIOD 

PAGE 

My  Ancestors . 23 

Privations  of  the  Early  Pioneers .  2!) 

Charlotteville  Academy  .  35 

West  Point  Military  Academy .  39 

Days  in  Texas .  46 

El  Paso  Experiences .  49 

In  Washington .  62 

Mv  Brothers  in  Texas .  67 

SECOND  PERIOD 

Pour  Years  of  Civil  War .  76 

After  the  War .  100 

Marriage .  112 

THIRD  PERIOD 

Travels  West  and  East .  119 

Nannie’s  Impressions  of  the  West .  131 

Western  Experiences .  148 

Detail  to  Paris  Exposition .  173 

Out  West  Again .  182 

Brevet  Commissions  in  the  Army .  20.5 

In  Washington  Again .  209 

Consolidation  of  the  El  Paso  and  Juarez  Street  Railways .  247 

The  Reformation  of  El  Paso .  249 

Mexico .  254 

Equitable  Distribution  of  the  Waters  of  the  Rio  Grande .  259 

Boundary  Commission  .  277 

Woman’s  Suffrage .  303 

Prohibition .  306 

Trip  to  Europe  with  General  Miles .  308 

My  Cartridge  Belt  Equipment .  310 

The  League  to  Enforce  Peace .  328 

Trial  by  Combat .  337 

Personal  Trial  by  Combat .  337 

National  Trial  by  Combat .  345 

Honolulu . 351 

Conclusion .  353 

APPENDICES 

The  Organization  and  Administration  of  the  United  States  Army.  .  357 

Address  before  the  Society  of  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland .  378 

Address  before  the  Order  of  Indian  Wars,  on  “The  Battle  of  the 

Rosebud’’ .  390 

Address  before  the  Order  of  Indian  Wars,  by  General  Charles  King  409 
Report  of  Gen.  Mills  on  the  Battle  of  Slim  Buttes .  428 


9 


INDEX  TO  ILLUSTRATIONS 

PAGE 

Anson  and  Nannie,  day  before  marriage .  115 

Anson,  day  before  marriage,  with  “Big  Four”  Cassel  girls .  115 

Banco  de  Santa  Margarita .  280,  287 

Batchelder,  Frank  R .  250 

Bisbee,  Brigadier  General  William  H .  99 

Blanco,  Jacobo .  275 

Bridger,  Jim .  150 

Burckhalter,  Marietta . 29 

Burges,  Richard  F .  291 

Cannon,  Speaker  Joseph .  231 

Cartridge  Belt  Equipment . 311,  312,  315,  316,  319,  320,  323,  324 

Caldwell,  Menger  .  237 

Caldwell,  Sally  .  237 

Cassel,  Mr.  and  Mrs.,  with  “Auntie” .  118 

Chamizal  Arbitration  Commission  .  .  . .  292 

Clark,  Speaker  Champ .  230 

Cleveland,  President  Grover .  222 

Cody,  W.  F.  (Buffalo  Bill) .  150 

Commanding  Officer’s  quarters  at  Ft.  Grant .  192 

Dennis,  William  C .  291 

Dewey,  Admiral  George .  232 

Duelling  pistols .  330 

Fairbanks,  Vice-President  Charles  W .  240 

Father  and  son  at  fifty-eight  and  thirteen  vears .  201 

Follett,  W.  W . ' .  270 

Freeman,  Brigadier  General  H.  B .  99 

Granddaughters,  Nancy,  Constance  and  Mabel .  230 

Flapper,  John  A .  250 

Hazlett,  Captain  Charles  E .  05 

Hoar,  Senator  George  F .  224 

Horcon  cut-off . .  284,  285 

Joint  Boundary  Commission  .  270 

Kcblinger,  W.  Wilbur .  250 

Kelly,  Dora  Miller .  237 

Kline,  Kathleen  Cassel .  240 

Little  Anson  at  five,  and  Constance  at  two  years .  183 

Little  Anson  at  seventeen  months  and  twelve  years .  214 

Little  Anson’s  company  at  Ft.  Grant .  190 

McKinley,  President  William . 223 

Map  of  El  Paso . .  54,  55 

Map,  Showing  the  Principal  Engagements,  Sioux  War .  395 

Map,  Battle  of  the  Rosebud .  399 

Martin,  Captain  Carl  Anson .  240 

Martin,  Caroline  Mills .  29 

Miles,  General  Nelson  A .  12 


10 


PAGE 

Miller,  Martin  V.  B .  237 

Mills,  Allen  .  28 

Mills,  Anson .  2 

Mills,  Emmett .  28 

Mills,  Hannah  Cassel .  3 

Mills,  James  P .  29 

Mills,  W.  W . 28 

Mills  Building,  El  Paso .  243 

Mills  Building,  Washington,  D.  C .  242 

Mills  Memorial  Eountain,  Thorntown,  Indiana .  238 

Moral  Suasion  Horse  at  Fort  Bridger .  108 

My  abandoned  birthplace .  37 

My  family  and  Commanding  Officer’s  quarters  at  Et.  Thomas .  187 

My  father  and  his  daughters .  27 

Myself  with  brothers .  26 

Nannie  and  Constance  at  Ft.  Grant .  198 

Nannie’s  family  Bible  inscription .  181 

Nannie’s  residence  at  Gloucester  (Bayberrv  Ledge) .  244 

Nannie’s  travels  (graphic  map) . 212,  213 

Nannie .  211 

Nettleton,  Colonel  E.  S . 270 

No  Flesh  (Brule  Chief) .  153 

No  Flesh  Battle  Picture . 156,  157 

Orndorlf,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Thomas  C .  326 

Our  sitting  room  at  P't.  Grant .  194 

Our  residence  in  Washington .  220 

Overton  (Captain)  with  Nancy .  235 

Overton,  Constance  Mills .  235 

Picnic  at  Ft.  Thomas .  188 

Powell,  Major  James  W .  270 

Puga,  F.  Beltran  y .  275 

Robertson,  Jack .  150 

Root,  Senator  Elihu .  225 

Scales  and  Armor .  86 

Schley,  Admiral  Winfield  Scott .  233 

Shepherd,  Brigadier  General  O.  L. .  99 

Smiley,  Eliza  Jane .  29 

Spotted  Tail  (Brule  Chief) .  155 

Steedman,  Major  General  James  B .  99 

Stevens,  Horace  B .  250 

Street  in  El  Paso,  1870 .  184 

Summer  Camp  on  Graham  Mountain .  197 

Tepee  and  capturing  officers  at  Slim  Buttes .  108 

Wilson,  Brigadier  General  John  M.  (classmate) .  245 


12 


13 


PREFACE 

Washington,  D.  C.,  December  12,  1917. 

The  record  of  important  events  in  human  affairs  as  they  are 
placed  upon  the  pages  of  history  and  drift  into  the  shadows 
of  the  past,  should  be  recorded  with  sacred  fidelity.  The  his¬ 
torian  who  places  accurate  and  important  knowledge  at  the 
disposal  of  the  present  and  future  students  and  writers  is  a 
public  benefactor  for  those  not  only  of  his  own  time,  but  for 
the  generations  that  shall  follow. 

The  achievements  and  failures,  the  evils  and  blessings,  the 
benevolence  and  the  injustice,  the  rights  and  wrongs,  the  am¬ 
bitions,  wisdom  and  intelligence,  the  happiness  and  nobility,  as 
well  as  the  distress  and  sacrifice  of  a  race  or  people  rightly 
recorded,  forms  an  invaluable  guide  and  chart  for  the  in¬ 
numerable  throng  that  occupy  the  field  of  activities  and  in  their 
turn  pass  on  to  be  replaced  by  others. 

Doubly  fortunate  is  the  one  who  takes  an  important  and 
distinguished  part  in  the  important  events  of  his  time,  and 
then  can  write  an  account  of  those  events  for  the  instruction 
and  benefit  of  others.  It  is  doubtful  if  any  epoch  in  history 
was  more  important  or  freighted  with  more  difficult  or  greater 
problems  to  be  solved  than  those  presented  during  the  time 
just  preceding,  during  and  subsequent  to  our  great  Civil  War. 

The  great  Republic  formed  after  seven  years  of  valor  and 
sacrifice  from  thirteen  weak  and  scattered  colonies,  had, 
through  several  decades  of  unprecedented  development  and 
prosperity,  become  a  most  powerful  homogeneous  nation.  In 
its  creation  and  progress,  there  was  left  one  element  of  dis¬ 
cord;  one  vexed  question  remained  unsettled  that  threatened  to 
dismember  the  government,  destroy  the  federation  and  seri¬ 
ously  embarrass  our  advance  toward  a  higher  civilization. 
When  reason  became  dethroned,  logic  and  argument  failed, 
the  problem  had  to  be  settled  by  the  dread  arbitrament  of  war. 

The  young  men,  the  very  flower  of  our  national  manhood, 


14 


were  required  to  decide  that  great  problem.  For  the  very 
important  duties  of  citizenship  and  soldier,  the  distinguished 
author  of  this  volume  was  well  equipped  for  the  important 
duties  of  that  time  and  to  render  important  service  for  his 
government  and  the  people  of  our  country. 

Descending  from  the  best  of  ancestral  stock,  born  and  reared 
in  what  was  known  as  the  Great  Middle  West,  in  an  atmos¬ 
phere  of  national  independence,  a  region  of  our  country  where 
we  find  the  highest  type  of  our  American  civilization,  he  grew 
to  manhood  under  the  most  favored  auspices.  Educated  at 
excellent  schools  and  institutions  of  learning,  his  mind  became 
well  stored  with  useful  knowledge  concerning  his  own 
country  and  the  world.  He  then  went  to  that  famous  military 
academy,  West  Point,  where  he  acquired  a  thorough  military 
training  and  those  manly  attributes  for  which  the  institution 
is  noted.  His  mind  naturally  sought  wider  fields  of  usefulness, 
and  when  he  resigned,  he  became  identified  with  that  mar¬ 
velous  civil  development  that  has  transformed  a  vast  wilder¬ 
ness  and  mountain  waste  into  productive  communities  and 
States. 

As  a  civil  engineer,  he  was  most  useful  and  successful.  When 
the  great  crisis  came,  he  was  found  true  and  steadfast  in  his 
allegiance  to  the  national  welfare  amid  chaos,  doubt  and  un¬ 
certainty.  His  loyalty  was  invaluable,  his  patriotism  sublime; 
among  the  first  to  volunteer,  his  record  was  most  commend¬ 
able  and  praiseworthy,  ever  present  in  every  campaign  and 
battle  in  which  his  company  or  regiment  was  engaged.  Four 
times  breveted  for  distinguished  conduct  in  battle,  he  fought 
for  a  principle,  and  had  the  satisfaction  of  witnessing  its  final 
triumph,  and  its  universal  approval  by  the  civilized  world. 

In  that  “war  for  civilization”  on  our  western  frontier,  he 
again  rendered  distinguished  service,  not  only  by  his  conspicu¬ 
ous  gallantry  in  action  against  Indians,  but  by  his  skill  and 
genius  as  a  commander  in  achieving  success  and  victory  where 
there  was  little  prospect  of  winning  either.  In  a  campaign 


15 


where  success  depends  entirely  upon  the  ability  of  the  com¬ 
mander,  there  he  succeeded. 

During  a  long  life  of  civil  and  military  achievements,  he 
was  blessed  by  the  companionship  of  one  of  the  most  estimable, 
accomplished  and  noblest  of  women,  whose  gentle  influence 
was  refining,  whose  presence  was  inspiring,  and  whose  counsel 
was  most  encouraging  and  beneficial. 

A  successful  life,  rich  with  noble  designs  and  good  deeds. 
General  Mills  has  contributed  a  favor  in  giving  to  the  readers, 
the  result  of  his  experiences  and  observations. 

These  pages  are  commended  to  the  public  with  the  full 
knowledge  of  the  fact  that  they  are  written  for  no  selfish  pur¬ 
pose,  but  for  the  highest  and  best  of  motives. 


Lieutenant  General,  U.  S.  Army. 


» 


17 


Bayberry  Ledge, 

East  Gloucester,  Mass., 

August  31,  1917. 

My  Dear  Daughter  Constance: 

After  retiring  from  the  line  of  the  army,  some  twenty  years 
ago,  I  had  no  further  military  duty  before  me  save  that  of 
Commissioner  on  the  Boundary  Commission  between  the 
United  States  and  Mexico,  which  I  believed  would  occupy  but 
a  short  time.  Your  mother  and  I  had  permanently  located  in 
Washington.  We  believed  our  lives  had  been  so  varied — 
mingling  with  so  many  races  during  so  many  vicissitudes  and 
trials — that  it  would  be  interesting  to  you  and  your  children 
for  me,  assisted  by  her,  to  write  of  our  careers.  Of  this  inten¬ 
tion  we  told  you  in  a  letter  dated  January  1,  1898,  that  you 
might  help  us  in  such  parts  of  the  story  as  you  were  old  enough 
to  remember,  although  this  was  but  a  small  part  of  our  long 
career,  you  coming  to  us  when  we  were  middle-aged. 

But  the  duties  of  the  Boundary  Commission  became  so 
arduous,  and  my  business  increased  so  as  to  keep  me  strenu¬ 
ously  occupied  until  two  years  ago.  And  now,  just  as  I  find 
time  for  these  reminiscences,  the  greatest  sorrow  of  my  life 
has  come  upon  you  and  me — the  loss  of  your  mother.  This 
shock  has  been  so  appalling  that  it  shook  my  resolution  to 
attempt  the  task  without  her,  who  had  been  the  inspiration 
and  chief  factor  in  my  life.  Before  giving  up  the  plan,  how¬ 
ever,  I  submitted  it  to  friends  who  had  been  nearest  to  us 


18 


during  our  married  life,  and  asked  their  advice.  They  all 
think  I  should  not  abandon  my  first  intention  of  writing  my 
life  and  career,  in  which  my  wife  took  so  large  a  part.  I 
record  here  my  letter  to  Mrs.  Albert  S.  Burleson  and  her  an¬ 
swer,  which  is  typical  of  the  rest.  I  have  selected  her  letter 
for  publication  because  of  its  womanly  sentiment,  and  because 
the  marital  life  of  General  Burleson,  my  friend  for  a  genera¬ 
tion,  has  been  not  unlike  my  own,  These  letters  are  as  follow's: 


Eastern  Point, 
Gloucester,  Mass., 
May  31,  1917. 

My  Dear  Mrs.  Burleson: 

We,  Constance  and  I,  want  to  thank  you  and  General  Bur¬ 
leson  for  your  card  of  sympathy. 

Twenty  years  ago,  after  retirement,  I  had  in  mind  to  wrrite 
a  reminiscence  of  my  career,  but  the  boundary  duties  and 
my  Worcester  business  so  occupied  my  time  that  I  was  unable 
even  to  begin  it.  Nowt  that  Nannie  has  gone,  I  reflect  that 
she  has  been  the  inspiration  of  whatever  success  I  have  had 
in  life  for  nearly  forty-nine  years,  so  that  it  seems  to  me  that 
whatever  I  do  in  that  line  should  be  devoted  to  her  more  than 
to  me.  I  have,  therefore,  about  concluded  to  write  something 
in  memory  of  her,  and  I  am  considering  just  how7  to  do  this. 
She  was  so  serene,  so  unassuming,  and  so  devoutly  thankful 
to  the  Great  Creator  and  her  forebears  for  her  rich  endow¬ 
ments  that  she  had  no  incentive  to  display  them,  but  was 
always,  before  all,  the  same  radiantly,  beautiful,  graceful, 
modest  woman,  whose  sparkling  eyes  and  responsive  facial 
expression  foretold  her  charity  for  all  and  malice  tow'ard 
none,  that  I  can  not  do  her  too  much  honor.  From  my  view- 
point,  women  have  as  much  right  to  be  remembered  for  their 
work  in  this  world  as  men.  Certainly  she  had. 

It  is  difficult  to  write  on  such  a  subject,  especially  so  soon 
after  my  great  loss,  but,  as  I  have  but  a  brief  period  in  which 


19 


to  accomplish  what  I  think  I  ought  to  do,  I  want  to  ask  your 
judgment  as  to  how  I  should  proceed. 

Yours  very  truly, 

Anson  Mills. 

Mrs.  Albert  S.  Burleson, 

1901  F  Street,  Washington,  D.  C. 


1901  F  Street, 
June  5,  1917. 

Dear  General  Mills  : 

I  believe  it  would  grieve  your  wife — could  she  know — to 
have  you  put  aside  something  you  had  planned  through  so 
many  years  to  do.  Doubtless  you  frecjuently  discussed  the 
undertaking  with  her — perhaps  her  interest  in  it  was  even 
greater  than  yours.  And  any  reminiscence  of  your  life  would 
necessarily  include  her  life — your  life  together.  In  the  prepar¬ 
ation  of  such  a  book  she  would  continue  to  be  your  inspira¬ 
tion,  and  that  thought  alone  would  give  color  and  strength  to 
all  you  wrote.  From  the  viewpoint  of  a  devoted,  understand¬ 
ing  wife  myself,  I  feel  deeply  that  her  husband’s  life  history 
would  be  the  most  pleasing  of  all  memorials  to  her;  for  surely 
her  memory  is  perpetuated  in  your  life. 

I  should  be  glad  to  have  you  write  to  me  again,  and  if  it  is 
not  painful  to  you,  to  come  sometime  to  see  us.  You  must 
know  that  all  that  concerns  you  and  your  wife,  whom  we  too 
knew  as  a  “radiantly  beautiful,  graceful  and  modest  woman,” 
concerns  us. 

With  high  regard  and  good  wishes  that  time  will  bring  peace 
to  your  wounded  heart,  believe  me. 

Faithfully  yours, 

Adele  S.  Burleson. 


20 


I  have  two  objects  in  undertaking  this  work: 

First.  That  I  may  leave  to  you,  your  children,  and  their 
descendants,  some  evidence  of  who  and  what  their  forebears 
were. 

Second.  To  give  our  collateral  relatives  something  that  may 
interest  and  possibly  encourage  them. 

As  far  as  practicable,  I  shall  tell  the  story  chronologically, 
dividing  the  narrative  into  three  periods:  first,  my  childhood, 
and  up  to  the  time  of  the  Civil  War,  when  I  was  commissioned 
in  the  army;  second,  the  period  of  the  Civil  War  up  to  my 
marriage;  and,  third — by  far  the  most  important — our  history 
as  man  and  wife  for  nearly  forty-nine  years. 

It  may  be  my  narrative  runs  too  much  to  sentiment — but 
there  is  sentiment  in  our  Flag;  in  the  Declaration  of  Inde¬ 
pendence;  in  the  Constitution — but  we  can  not  make  them 
commercial  assets.  It  was  sentiment  that  caused  the  armies 
of  the  “Blue  and  the  Gray”  to  amaze  the  world  with  the  most 
sanguinary  and  chivalrous  war  ever  waged  during  all  the  tide 
of  time;  and  it  was  sentiment  that  in  a  few  years  brought 
these  foes  together  as  one  harmonious  people.  The  want  of 
sentiment  caused  the  Goths  and  Vandals  to  degenerate  into 
what  their  name  now  implies.  The  same  may  be  said  of  the 
Hessians  of  our  War  for  Independence.  The  want  of  senti¬ 
ment  required  300,000  British  soldiers,  and  half  as  many 
American  mules,  three  years  to  overcome  40,000  Boers  imbued 
with  sentiment,  which  brought  peace  without  vainglorious 
victory. 

Anson  Mills. 


it 


I  am  appending  at  the  end  of  this  book  three  papers  which 
Mrs.  Mills  assisted  me  in  preparing,  as  follows: 

“Organization  and  Administration  of  the  Army;”  “Address 
to  the  Society  of  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland;”  “Address  to 
the  Order  of  Indian  Wars.” 


21 


FOREWORD 

I  am  eighty-seven  years  old,  having  lived  two-thirds  of  the 
constitutional  life  of  this  great  Republic,  which  I  believe  the 
greatest  institution  for  self-government  ever  devised. 

Counting  service  as  a  cadet,  in  the  line  of  the  army  proper, 
and  as  a  Roundary  Commissioner,  I  have  served  fifty-four 
years,  nine  months  and  four  days  in  the  United  States  Army; 
longrr,  I  believe,  than  any  other  officer. 

Mrs.  Mills  and  I  often  congratulated  ourselves  that  we  lived 
in  this  nation  and  generation.  In  no  other  could  we  have  seen 
and  enjoyed  so  much,  conducive  to  the  belief  that  mankind 
was  rapidly  advancing  to  the  greatest  possible  perfection. 

Of  the  four  greatest  scourges,  war,  pestilence,  famine  and 
flood,  we  have  seen  the  three  latter  almost  entirely  eradicated. 

Only  the  scourge  of  war,  the  most  cruel,  barbarous  and 
destructive  of  all,  is  left  uncontrolled  and  unhampered, 
although  there  is  hope  this  may  soon  be  so  restrained  that  it 
will  be  no  longer  a  menace. 

We  have  seen  the  nation  develop  from  twenty  millions  to 
over  one  hundred  millions  of  the  most  civilized,  righteous  and 
just  people.  We  have  seen  it  become  foremost  in  the  sciences, 
arts  and  industries.  We  have  seen  sixty  per  cent  of  hand  labor 
transferred  to  machinery;  we  have  watched  railroad  and 
steamboat  transportation  develop  from  their  infancy;  we 
watched  the  birth  of  electric  light  and  power;  we  have  seen 
the  bicycle,  motorcycle,  automobile,  sewing  machine,  knitting 
machine,  typewriter,  telegraph  and  its  wireless  associate,  tele¬ 
phone,  dirigible  balloon,  aeroplane,  undersea  boat,  washing 
machine,  power  printing  press,  linotype,  and  hundreds  of 
other  inventions  developed  to  their  present  perfection. 

We  have  had  a  part  in  the  pride  that  most  of  these  better¬ 
ments  were  brought  about  by  the  study,  energy  and  ability 
of  Americans,  who,  by  reason  qf  their  superior  inventive 
genius,  excelled  the  rest  of  the  world  in  manufacture. 

We,  too,  tried  to  invent  and  discover.  If  we  constantly 


22 


combated  what  we  believed  to  be  error,  ignorance,  inertia,  and 
non-progressiveness,  it  was  because  we  tried  to  lead  those 
believing,  as  we  did,  that  their  souls  should  lend  the  best  in 
them  to  pave  the  way  for  those  coming  after. 

As  the  spirit,  impulse  and  efforts  of  the  two  characters  por¬ 
trayed  in  these  reminiscences  have  been  those  of  reformers 
striving  for  the  advancement  of  their  fellow  men,  it  is  prob¬ 
able  that  a  free  criticism  of  errors  and  wrongs  will  incite  a 
suspicion  that  they  are  relating  grievances.  Therefore,  I  ask 
the  reader  to  distinguish  between  vindictiveness  and  vindica¬ 
tion.  What  I  here  record  is  not  a  relation  of  grievances,  but 
an  endeavor  to  explain  to  those  who  have  the  courage  to 
follow  our  line  of  life,  the  antagonisms  we  met  and  they  may 
expect.  For  those  who  are  willing  to  live  a  commonplace  life, 
it  is  perhaps  better  to  observe  the  opinions  and  customs  of 
neighbors  and  those  in  authority,  but  for  others  it  is  sometimes 
wise  courageously  to  defy  and  disobey  injurious  and  useless 
commands.  Such  actions  often  injure  the  reputation  of  the 
reformer  for  a  time,  but  eventually  they  will  distinguish  him 
above  the  large  number  of  his  fellows: 

“.  .  .  who  yearly  creep 

Into  the  world  to  eat  and  sleep. 

And  know  no  reason  why  they  are  born. 

Save  to  consume  the  wine  and  corn, 

Devour  the  cattle,  fowl  and  fish, 

And  leave  behind  an  empty  dish.” 


23 

FIRST  PERIOD 

My  Ancestors 

I  was  born  near  Thorntown,  Indiana,  August  31,  1834. 

My  father,  James  P.  Mills,  third  child  of  James  Mills  2nd 
and  Marian  Mills,  was  born  in  York,  Pennsylvania,  August  22, 
1808.  His  father,  James  Mills  2nd,  was  horn  October  1,  1770, 
and  died  December  3,  1807. 

My  father’s  mother  died  in  1816,  leaving  him  an  orphan 
at  the  age  of  eight.  He  lived  with  his  Aunt  Margery  Mills 
Hayes  for  about  two  years,  when  he  was  “bound  out”  as  an 
apprentice  to  a  tanner  by  the  name  of  Greenwalt,  at  Harris¬ 
burg,  Pennsylvania.  Here  he  was  to  serve  until  twenty-one, 
when  he  was  to  receive  one  hundred  dollars  and  a  suit  of 
clothes.  All  the  knowledge  that  he  had  of  hooks  was  derived 
from  night  school,  Greenwalt  not  permitting  him  to  attend 
during  the  day.  His  apprenticeship  was  so  hard  he  ran  away 
when  twenty,  forfeiting  the  hundred  dollars  and  the  clothes. 

His  only  patrimony  was  from  his  grandfather,  James  Mills  I, 
who,  as  father  told  me,  sent  for  him  on  his  deathbed  and, 
patting  him  on  the  head,  said:  “I  want  Jimmy  to  have  fifty 
pounds.” 

After  running  away,  my  father  went  to  Geneva,  New  York, 
and  served  as  a  journeyman  until  twenty-two.  With  his  inher¬ 
itance  of  $250,  he  and  his  brother  Frank  started  West  in  a 
Dearborn  wagon,  crossing  the  Alleghenies.  He  traveled  to 
Crawfordsville,  Indiana,  and  here,  about  1830,  entered  eighty 
acres  of  the  farm  on  which  I  was  horn.  The  land  was  cov¬ 
ered  with  walnut,  oak  and  ash,  many  of  the  trees  being  one 
hundred  feet  high  and  three  or  four  feet  in  diameter.  Felling 
and  burning  the  trees,  he  built  his  house  with  his  own  hands, 
neighbors  aiding  in  raising  the  walls. 

My  father  had  little  knowledge  of  his  ancestors,  other  than 
that  they  were  Quakers,  hut,  by  correspondence  with  officials 
of  counties  where  his  ancestors  lived,  I  have  learned  that  the 
first  of  his  family  came  over  with  William  Penn  and  settled 
in  Philadelphia. 


24 


FIRST  PERIOD 


My  father  married  Sarah  Kemvorthy,  on  November  22,  1832. 
My  mother  was  born  December  30,  1810,  at  Coshocton,  Coshoc¬ 
ton  County,  Ohio,  and  died  on  the  farm  September  4,  1849 
(before  the  daguerreotype,  hence  I  have  no  picture  of  her). 
The  Kenworthy  family  had  only  recently  emerged  from 
Quakerdom,  and  were  known  as  “Hickory  Quakers,”  so  I  am 
of  Quaker  descent  through  both  my  parents.  My  mother’s 
father,  William  Kenworthy,  born  January  22,  1780  (presum¬ 
ably  in  Guilford  County,  North  Carolina),  lived  about  a  mile 
and  a  half  from  our  place,  and  died  at  Thorntown,  August 
31,  1854.  In  North  Carolina  he  married  Lucretia,  the  third 
child  of  my  great  grandmother,  whose  maiden  name  was 
Lydia  Stroud,  and  who  was  born  in  1765,  near  Guilford  Court 
House,  Guilford  County,  N.  C.  She  married  Jacob  Skeen,  and 
had  eight  children:  Abraham,  Mary,  Lucretia,  Jacob,  Clarissa, 
John,  Sarah  and  Lydia. 

Her  second  child,  my  mother’s  Aunt  Mary  (Polly),  married 
Benjamin  Hopkins,  whose  death  left  her  with  four  children 
in  indigent  circumstances.  With  her  two  daughters,  Betty 
and  Lydia,  she  lived  in  a  small  cabin  almost  in  sight  of  my 
mother’s  house.  Later  these  two  girls  came  to  live  with  my 
mother,  picking,  carding,  spinning  and  weaving  wool  into 
Kentucky  jeans  and  linsey-woolsey,  which  they  made  into 
garments  for  the  family. 

My  first  useful  labor,  when  I  was  perhaps  seven  or  eight 
years  old,  was  to  “hand  in”  the  warp,  thread  by  thread,  to 
these  girls  as  they  passed  it  through  the  reed  and  harness  of 
the  loom.  The  knowledge  I  thus  acquired  of  warp  and  wool 
laid  the  foundation  of  my  future  financial  success. 

About  1844  my  great  grandmother  Stroud  came  to  live  with 
us.  I  remember  well  the  stories  she  told  me  of  the  outrages 
of  Lord  Bawdon’s  troops  when  he  invaded  North  Carolina 
with  the  Hessians  and  destroyed  her  father’s  property.  Her 
father  was  once  arrested  for  secreting  a  neighbor  rebel  in  a 
sack  of  wool  under  the  bed,  discovered  by  the  Hessians  stick¬ 
ing  their  bayonets  into  the  wool  and  wounding  the  rebel. 


MY  ANCESTORS 


25 


They  placed  a  rope  around  her  father’s  neck  and  were  taking 
him  out  to  hang  him,  when  he  was  rescued  by  the  sudden 
arrival  of  some  of  Generals  Lee  and  Sumter’s  soldiers.  She 
described,  too,  her  visit  to  the  battle-field  of  the  Cowpens  near 
her  father’s  plantation,  to  care  for  the  wounded,  and  told  of 
her  three  brothers  who  served  in  the  Revolutionary  Army, 
one  of  them  being  killed.  She  was  so  vehement  in  her  denun¬ 
ciation  of  the  English  and  Hessian  soldiers  that,  all  my  life, 
I  have  been  intensely  prejudiced  against  the  English. 

Later  she  left  our  house  to  live  with  her  youngest  daughter, 
Lydia  (Mrs.  John  Frazier),  and  died  there  in  1847,  aged  eighty- 
two. 

Like  my  father,  my  mother  had  small  patrimony,  only  two 
hundred  dollars,  which  her  father  gave  her  in  lieu  of  the  one 
hundred  and  sixty  acres  he  gave  each  of  her  brothers.  Like 
him,  she  never  attended  school.  In  Coshocton,  Ohio,  by  an 
unwritten  law,  no  girls  were  permitted  to  enter  the  school 
house  during  sessions,  so  her  knowledge  of  letters  was  gained 
through  instruction  by  her  parents  and  brothers.  But,  if 
lacking  in  schooling,  both  my  parents  had  the  greatest  of  all 
endowments — strong  hands,  clear  heads  and  brave  hearts, 
with  which  to  enter  their  life  struggle  for  existence. 

They  had  nine  children:  Anson,  William  W.,  Marietta,  Eliza 
Jane,  Emmett,  Allen,  John,  Caroline  and  Thomas  Edwin,  seven 
of  whom  grew  to  maturity.  (Cuts  26,  27.) 

Thorntown  had  been  a  partially  civilized  Pottawottomi 
village  under  French  Jesuit  control,  the  seat  of  their  reserva¬ 
tion,  where  corn  and  other  products  were  cultivated.  When 
their  reservation  was  opened  to  settlement,  the  Indians  moved 
to  Kansas.  The  birds  carried  the  hawthorn  seed  and  deposited 
it  on  the  freshly  plowed  furrows  of  the  farm  land  the  Indians 
abandoned,  which  resulted  in  a  beautiful  orchard  of  hawthorn. 
Hence  the  name,  Thorntown. 

Grandfather  Kenworthy  purchased  a  good  portion  of  these 
fields,  including  the  old  Indian  burying-ground.  He  built  a 
store  and  employed  two  six-mule  teams  to  carry  supplies  from 


Anson  Mills. 
Born  August  31,  1834. 


W.  W.  Mills. 

Born  February  10,  1836. 


Emmett  Mills. 

Born  December  15,  1841. 

Myself  with  Brothers. 


Allen  Mills. 

Born  January  28,  1844. 
(Text,  25.) 


27 


James  P.  Mills. 
Born  August  22,  1808. 


Marietta  Burckhalter 

Born  December  31,  1837 


Eliza  Jane  Smiley. 

Born  November  1,  1839. 


Caroline  Mills  Martin. 

Born  September  27,  1847. 


My  Father  and  His  Daughters.  (Text,  £5.) 


28 


FIRST  PERIOD 


Cincinnati.  One  day,  when  Grandfather  was  plowing  near 
this  graveyard,  a  number  of  chiefs  in  war-paint  came  to  his 
house. 

After  the  Indians  had  smoked  awhile,  one  of  them  drew  a 
long  knife,  faced  Grandfather  and,  pointing  toward  the  grave¬ 
yard,  said : 

“Kinwot,  bimeby  you  gee-haw;  gee-haw  cut  my  brudder!” 

Grandfather  replied:  “No,  I  will  never  plow  the  land  under 
which  your  dead  are  buried,”  and  it  is  today  preserved  as  a 
graveyard. 

Subsequent  experiences  with  Indians  led  me  to  realize  more 
than  before  the  seriousness  of  this  interview. 


29 


Privations  of  the  Early  Pioneers 

My  early  life  was  primitive.  For  instance,  there  were  no 
machine-made  nails  in  this  country.  All  nails  were  made  by 
the  village  blacksmith  from  nail  rods,  and  I  often  watched  him 
while  he  wrought  those  I  was  sent  to  buy.  All  pins  and  needles 
were  imported  from  England,  and  none  of  the  pins  had  solid 
heads.  They  had  wire-wound  heads  brazed  upon  the  stems. 

There  were  no  shoe  factories  in  the  country,  and  no  shoe 
stores  in  the  villages.  We  were  shod  by  itinerant  cobblers, 
who  made  their  lasts  and  pegs  from  maple  wood  from  our 
wood  pile.  There  were  no  rights  or  lefts,  but  each  child  had 
his  own  last.  We  children  were  so  curious  to  handle  the  cob¬ 
bler’s  tools  that  father  authorized  him  to  draw  a  chalk  line 
around  the  corner  where  he  worked,  and  use  the  knee  strap, 
with  which  he  held  the  shoe  while  pegging,  to  chastise  us  if 
we  crossed  it! 

Farmers  made  their  own  brooms  and  axe  helves  from  young 
hickory  trees.  We  raised  the  wool  and  flax  required  for  our 
clothing,  all  of  which  my  mother  spun,  wove  and  fashioned, 
as  did  all  other  housewives.  Stockings  and  mittens  were  all 
knit  by  hand;  there  were  no  knitting  machines,  sewing  ma¬ 
chines  or  cooking  stoves.  Practically  everything  necessary  for 
existence  was  raised  or  made  on  the  farms,  save  coffee,  spices, 
tableware,  hardware,  glass  and  cutlery,  which  came  from 
abroad  and  up  the  Mississippi  by  boat.  Our  nearest  market 
was  Cincinnati — two  hundred  miles  away  over  rough  and  at 
times  impassable  roads. 

There  was  then  no  Federal  currency.  Commerce  was  car¬ 
ried  on  with  Spanish  coin,  and  legal  contracts  were  liquidated 
in  “Spanish  milled  dollars.”  There  were  no  postage  stamps. 
Postmasters  collected  from  writer  or  recipient  ten  cents  for 
letters  east  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  and  twenty-five  cents  for 
letters  sent  elsewhere.  There  were  no  envelopes.  Letter 
paper  had  the  fourth  page  unruled  and  was  folded  into  an 
envelope,  leaving  the  unruled  page  for  the  address.  They 
were  sealed  with  wax  wafers. 


30 


FIRST  PERIOD 


There  were  no  matches  in  general  use.  A  Kentucky  flint-lock 
rifle  hung  over  the  mantel,  and  this,  with  powder  in  the  pan, 
was  used  to  start  fires  by  flashing  the  powder  against  tow  or 
fine  shavings.  All  farmers’  boys  became  experts  with  these 
Kentucky  rifles.  Squirrels  were  so  numerous  that  when  the 
corn  was  maturing  they  would  ruin  three  or  four  rows  of  corn 
next  the  fence.  Partly  to  procure  fresh  meat  and  partly  to 
protect  the  corn,  it  was  our  business  to  destroy  these  squirrels. 
I  remember  one  Saturday  I  killed  over  sixty  squirrels. 

Carpenters  learned  their  trade  hv  five  years’  unpaid  appren¬ 
ticeship.  A  carpenter’s  chest  of  tools  cost  one  hundred  and 
twenty-five  dollars,  and  contained  approximately  one  hundred 
implements. 

My  father  provided  me  with  a  carpenter’s  bench  and  tools 
and,  without  serving  an  apprenticeship,  I  became  an  expert 
carpenter,  repairing  farm  tools  and  making  furniture,  as  well 
as  toys  for  the  children.  I  was  put  to  work  “dropping  corn” 
when  not  over  eight  years  old  and,  later,  hoeing  and  cultivat¬ 
ing,  as  were  all  the  children  of  my  time.  We  were  healthy 
and  strong.  Few  children  wore  glasses  and  few  had  bad  teeth. 

I  first  went  to  school  about  1840,  when  I  was  six.  The  school 
was  a  log  house  with  a  puncheon  floor.  Benches  for  the 
smaller  scholars  were  saw-mill  slabs,  with  four  legs,  without 
backs.  The  older  boys  had  their  bench  facing  the  wall,  with 
a  broad  plank  on  which  to  write  fastened  on  pins  in  the  logs. 

School  teachers,  employed  by  the  farmers,  “hoarded  around” 
for  a  week  or  two  at  a  time  with  the  parents.  These  school¬ 
masters  were  almost  invariably  Irish,  and  governed  entirely 
by  fear,  punishing  cruelly.  Of  course,  the  children  became 
stupid,  uninterested,  and  learned  slowly.  We  were  made  to 
sit  on  the  bench  eight  hours  a  day,  holding  a  hook  in  our 
hands,  whether  studying  or  not.  Hearing  of  the  New  England 
method  of  “moral  suasion,”  my  father  interested  his  neighbors 
and  succeeded  in  engaging  as  teacher  a  young  man  from  New 
Hampshire. 

He,  Charlie  Naylor,  told  us  that  he  had  come  from  afar, 


PRIVATIONS  OF  THE  EARLY  PIONEERS 


31 


where  the  teachers  tried  to  avoid  corporal  punishment,  and 
that,  unless  it  was  absolutely  forced  upon  him,  he  would  never 
whip  us.  He  was  brilliant,  active  and  industrious,  and  soon 
won  the  love  of  his  sixty  scholars. 

Many  settlers  were  from  Kentucky,  where  they  compelled 
the  teacher  to  “treat”  on  Christmas.  If  he  refused,  they  tied 
him  hand  and  foot,  took  him  to  the  river  and  immersed  him 
under  the  ice  until  he  consented  to  supply  them  with  apples, 
candy  and  cider.  Naylor’s  predecessor  had  been  treated  this 
way. 

When  Christmas  came  nine  boys  over  fifteen  years  old 
determined  to  demand  the  treat.  The  day  before  Christmas 
these  nine  boys  took  the  loose  benches  and  barred  the  double 
doors.  My  cousin,  Lee  Kenworthy,  passed  a  note  through  the 
transom  to  the  teacher,  demanding  the  usual  Christmas  treat. 

Naylor  read  the  paper,  stamped  it  under  his  feet,  went  to 
the  wood  pile  and  got  the  axe.  Smashing  the  door  panels,  he 
boldly  entered,  axe  in  hand,  walking  to  the  center  of  the  room 
ringing  his  bell  violently.  Every  scholar  proceeded  to  his  seat. 
For  some  minutes  the  teacher  walked  back  and  forth.  Then 
he  asked  the  larger  boys  in  turn:  “Had  you  any  hand  in 
this?” 

Each  answered  clearly  that  he  had.  They  were  brave 
boys.  To  each  of  the  nine  boys  Naylor  said:  “Take  your 
place  out  in  the  middle  of  the  room  near  the  stove.”  Then 
he  gave  his  knife  to  the  boy  on  the  right  and  said:  “Go  out 
to  that  beech  tree  and  cut  nine  good  switches.” 

Naylor  deliberately  drew  each  switch  through  his  hand, 
laid  it  on  the  hot  stove,  where  it  began  to  pop  and  frizzle,  then 
slowly  drew  it  through  his  hand  again,  bending  it  back  and 
forth.  Finally  he  walked  out  before  the  boy  on  the  right  and 
called  on  him  to  step  forward  and  give  him  his  left  hand. 
Then,  raising  the  switch  with  a  frightful  effort,  he  brought 
it  down  mildly  on  the  boy’s  shoulder,  and  told  the  boy  to 
return  to  his  seat.  He  repeated  this  with  each  of  the  nine, 
none  making  any  resistance.  He  then  threw  the  switches  in 
the  fire  and  resumed  teaching. 


32 


FIRST  PERIOD 


This  moderation  established  Charlie  Naylor  as  the  most 
popular  teacher  that  community  had  ever  known,  ended  the 
Christmas  treat,  and  almost  entirely  ended  corporal  punish¬ 
ment  in  our  public  schools. 

My  father  enlarged  his  farm.  When  I  was  twelve  he  was 
raising  corn  and  wheat  for  shipment,  and  I  remember  driving 
a  two-horse  wagon  loaded  with  thirty  bushels  a  distance  of 
twenty-five  miles  to  Lafayette.  There  I  saw  Perdue’s  Block, 
the  first  brick  building  I  had  ever  seen.  It  was  celebrated 
throughout  that  part  of  Indiana,  yet  it  was  but  two  stories 
high  and  had  only  three  stores! 

Father  had  three  permanent  farm  hands,  Matt  and  John 
McAleer,  refined  and  fairly  educated  Irishmen,  and  Bill  Smith, 
a  partially  degenerated  and  cruel  American.  When  the  Mex¬ 
ican  War  broke  out,  all  three  wanted  to  enlist.  The  nearest 
recruiting  office  was  Crawfordsville,  and  I  went  with  them. 
The  recruiting  officer  had  stacked  in  front  of  his  office  many 
old-fashioned  flint-lock  muskets,  which  so  excited  me  that  I 
begged  the  recruiting  officer  to  take  me  as  a  drummer, 
although  I  was  but  thirteen!  He  replied  that  he  would,  pro¬ 
vided  I  could  get  my  parents’  consent. 

Father  met  us  when  we  returned  and  asked  the  men  if  they 
had  enlisted.  Matt  and  John  said  “yes.”  Then  father  asked 
Bill,  “did  you  enlist?”  “No,  Jim,”  he  replied,  “I  did  not.  You 
should  see  those  big  guns.  They  carry  a  ball  as  big  as  your 
thumb  and  three  buckshots,  and  have  spears  on  the  end  of 
them  that  long,  and  just  as  keen - !” 

Matt  and  John  served  through  the  war,  but  John  died  of 
yellow  fever  coming  home.  Matt  remained  with  father  many 
years.  All  this  war  experience  so  inspired  me  that  I  per¬ 
suaded  father  to  apply  to  our  Congressman,  Dan  Mace,  for 
an  appointment  to  West  Point.  He  replied  that  he  would  have 
given  it  to  me,  but  that  he  had  already  nominated  another. 

My  father  was  an  ardent  Democrat  of  the  Jackson  type, 
and  when  Jackson  died  he  felt  for  a  long  time  that  the  country 
was  lost.  Although  self-educated,  he  was  a  great  reader,  and 


PRIVATIONS  OF  THE  EARLY  PIONEERS 


33 


a  very  progressive  man.  Our  first  corn  we  shelled  by  hand, 
but  later  my  father  bought  the  first  corn  sheller  in  the  county. 
He  got  the  first  traveling  traction  threshing  machine,  which 
threshed  the  wheat  from  the  shocks  in  the  field.  Formerly  we 
threshed  it  from  the  sheafs  on  the  barn  floor  with  a  “flail” — 
two  sticks  tied  together,  with  which  the  thresher  heat  the  ker¬ 
nels  from  the  straw.  Father  also  purchased  the  first  reaper 
in  that  part  of  the  country.  He  prospered  above  his  neigh¬ 
bors  because  he  was  indefatigable  in  industry,  ambition  and 
economy,  but  he  met  with  a  great  sorrow,  as  I  did,  in  the  loss 
of  his  wife,  my  mother,  when  I  was  fourteen.  Before  he  was 
very  happy  and  cheerful,  singing  and  whistling  much;  hut  I 
never  heard  him  do  either  after  my  mother’s  death. 

Being  the  oldest  child,  I  was  called  on  more  than  the  rest 
to  care  for  the  younger  ones.  Shortly  after  my  mother’s  death 
my  father  asked  us  to  make  a  great  sacrifice  to  keep  the 
family  together.  He  would  not  marry  again,  and  it  would 
be  impossible  to  have  a  woman  come  to  care  for  us.  If  I 
would  not  assume  the  duties  of  a  mother  with  Mary,  thirteen, 
and  Jane,  eleven,  to  do  the  housework,  he  would  be  obliged 
to  hind  the  children  out  to  relatives  and  neighbors.  We  prom¬ 
ised  to  make  this  sacrifice,  and  while  I  thought  then  and  for 
a  long  time  after  that  it  was  a  great  wrong,  I  now  know  it 
was  the  best  thing  that  ever  happened  to  me.  The  responsi¬ 
bility,  together  with  the  instruction  and  admonitions  that  I 
had  received,  principally  from  my  mother’s  knee,  prepared 
me  for  future  responsibilities.  My  father  gave  me  much 
advice  as  to  the  obligations  resting  on  all  to  do  for  those  com¬ 
ing  after  him  what  those  who  had  gone  before  had  done  for 
him.  Once,  traveling  a  good  road,  well  prepared  to  keep 
vehicles  out  of  the  mud.  he  said,  “Now,  Anson,  somebody 
built  this  road  for  you;  you  must  build  some  for  those  who 
are  to  come  after  you.” 

In  1851  my  father  had  opened  his  farm  to  one  hundred  and 
fifty  acres.  Fertilizing  it  with  the  ashes  of  the  consumed 
forest,  he  raised  a  most  extraordinary  crop,  three  thousand 


34 


FIRST  PERIOD 


bushels  of  wheat  and  thirty-five  hundred  bushels  of  corn. 
He  sold  the  wheat  for  one  dollar  and  the  corn  for  sixty  cents 
per  bushel,  which  made  him  a  rich  man  for  those  days.  Then 
he  told  my  sister  Mary  and  me  that  he  was  going  to  prepare 
us  to  fight  the  battle  of  life  by  giving  us  an  education,  which 
he  and  our  mother  had  not  had. 

So  in  September,  1852,  he  sent  us  by  rail,  a  live  or  six  days’ 
journey,  to  Charlotteville  Academy,  in  Schoharie  County, 
New  York. 

We  made  seven  changes  in  the  five  or  six  days’  journey  to 
Canajoharie,  New  York.  The  legal  rights  of  railroads  were  so 
involved  that  the  projectors  had  not  devised  a  means  to  con¬ 
struct  interstate  or  through-city  railroads.  In  none  of  the 
towns  was  there  a  joint  depot;  in  most  we  hired  a  country 
wagon  to  carry  our  trunks  from  one  depot  to  the  other.  At 
Erie  there  were  two  depots,  because  the  road  to  the  east  was 
of  a  different  gauge  from  the  road  to  the  west! 

I  mention  all  this  in  detail  that  those  who  are  so  dissatis¬ 
fied  with  the  beautiful  and  efficient  methods  of  railroad  trans¬ 
portation  in  these  days  may  realize  what  they  would  be  up 
against  if  the  Rockefellers,  Carnegies  and  other  benefactors 
like  them  had  not  made  these  great  improvements  possible. 

At  Canajoharie  we  took  the  stage  to  Charlotteville,  thirty 
miles  distant,  where  we  arrived  in  a  snowstorm. 

My  father  had  entrusted  to  me  a  large  amount  of  Indiana 
money  to  deposit  with  the  treasurer  of  the  academy.  On  pre¬ 
senting  it  to  Mr.  Archer,  he  exclaimed:  “Why,  what  does  your 
father  mean  by  sending  us  this  ‘wild  Cat  money!’  You  could 
not  buy  a  breakfast  anywhere  in  New  York  with  it!  However, 
since  you  have  come  so  far,  I  will  send  it  to  New  York  and  see 
what  can  be  done.”  He  finally  exchanged  it  and  put  it  to 
my  father’s  credit. 


35 


Charlotteville  Academy 

At  the  academy  were  eight  hundred  students,  male  and 
female,  occupying  separate  buildings,  the  chapel  and  dining 
room  being  between  the  hoys’  and  girls’  buildings,  and  the 
only  place  where  they  met.  In  the  town,  the  girls  were 
allowed  to  walk  only  on  certain  streets  and  the  boys  on  others. 

My  father  equipped  me  with  what  he  considered  suitable 
clothing  for  my  new  environment,  hut  what  was  fashionable 
in  the  West  was  a  matter  of  ridicule  in  New  York,  particu¬ 
larly  my  hat,  a  tall,  square-crowned  beaver.  I  wore  a  large 
moustache,  had  black  hair  and  rather  dark  complexion,  and 
I  was  a  curiosity  to  the  students,  my  dialect  and  vocabulary 
being  different  from  the  Yankee  pupils.  I  was  soon  nick¬ 
named  the  “Russian  Ambassador  from  the  Woolly  West,” 
and  my  good  nature  was  somewhat  tried  by  the  ridicule. 
However,  I  made  the  best  of  it,  had  plenty  of  company  always, 
and  my  room  was  visited  perhaps  as  much  as  that  of  any 
other  student. 

I  had  made  myself  a  small  box  with  a  lock,  in  which  I  kept 
some  personal  things,  among  them  some  correspondence  with 
a  girl  cousin  of  mine  in  Ohio,  whose  letters  were  very  senti¬ 
mental. 

One  evening,  I  found  the  son  of  the  professor  of  mathe¬ 
matics,  Ferguson,  about  my  own  age  and  size,  sitting  in  my 
room.  He  began  to  quote  some  of  the  silly  expressions  of  this 
young  lady.  I  asked  him  if  he  had  read  my  letters.  When  he 
said  he  had,  I  invited  him  into  the  hall  and  blackened  both  his 
eyes.  He  called  for  help,  but  the  watchman  came  very  slowly! 
Ferguson  was  unpopular  with  the  employes  and  the  watchman 
told  me  afterward  he  wished  he  had  let  me  alone  a  little 
longer.  The  boy  reported  the  incident  to  his  father  and  the 
elder  Ferguson,  the  second  officer  of  the  academy,  sent  for 
me  in  the  absence  of  President  Alonso  Flack.  He  threatened 
to  dismiss  me  because  I  should  have  reported  to  him,  but  said 


36 


FIRST  PERIOD 


instead  he  would  report  the  case  to  the  president  when  he 
returned.  I  replied,  to  use  a  present  day  expression,  that  it 
was  a  non- justiciable  case. 

Later  Mr.  Flack  sent  for  me  and  I  told  him  what  had  hap¬ 
pened.  Mr.  Flack  pondered  and  then  said:  “Mr.  Mills,  I  am 
very  sorry  that  you  got  into  this  trouble,  but,  had  I  been  in 
your  situation  I  would  probably  have  done  as  you  did.  That 
will  do — but  don’t  let  it  occur  again.” 

At  Charlotteville  I  met  two  young  revolutionary  refugees 
from  Cuba,  Miguel  Castillanos  and  Juan  Govin.  Castillanos 
had  been  captured  and  imprisoned  in  a  fortress  in  Ciuta, 
Africa,  but  escaped.  By  mutual  arrangement,  we  taught  each 
other  our  respective  languages  and  I  thus  had  an  early  ac¬ 
quaintance  with  Spanish. 

After  a  year,  during  which  both  my  sister  and  myself  got 
along  very  well,  Father  sent  me  a  letter  from  Mr.  Mace,  the 
Congressman,  saying  that  his  appointee  had  failed  and  that 
he  would  nominate  me  for  West  Point.  The  nomination  came 
and  Father  had  me  come  home  until  the  opening  of  the  acad¬ 
emy  in  June. 

Prior  to  leaving  Charlotteville,  I  obtained  from  Secretary 
of  State,  William  L.  Marcy,  a  passport  with  the  view  of  going 
to  Cuba  when  I  had  finished  my  course,  but  my  appointment 
to  West  Point  changed  that. 


My  Abandoned  Birthplace 


37 


39 


West  Point  Military  Academy 

I  reported  at  West  Point  on  June  1,  1855.  I  knew  nothing  of 
military  discipline  or  ways  and  was  received,  as  were  others 
at  that  time,  in  a  most  cruel  manner  by  the  older  cadets. 

I  was  told  to  report  to  two  older  cadets  for  examination 
and  assignment  to  quarters.  I  expected  at  least  serious  treat¬ 
ment,  but  they  asked  me  the  most  ingeniously  foolish  ques¬ 
tions.  I  smiled,  but  with  great  sternness  they  demanded  I 
observe  proper  respect  for  the  officers  of  the  United  States 
Army. 

They  questioned  me  on  my  political  and  moral  principles, 
adding  that  they  must  observe  great  caution  in  assigning 
room-mates,  lest  injury  might  happen.  Finally,  they  assigned 
me  to  a  room  with  Cadet  Martin  (J.  P.)  from  Kentucky,  hoping 
that  I  would  find  no  difficulty  in  getting  along  in  peace  with 
him. 

After  being  bedeviled  for  a  week  or  two,  I  became  despon¬ 
dent  and  homesick,  especially  as  no  cadets  would  recognize  me 
in  any  friendly  manner  or  speak  to  me  on  any  but  official 
subjects,  except  to  jeer  and  deride  me. 

One  day,  I  was  accosted  by  an  old  cadet  (whom  I  after¬ 
wards  learned  to  be  George  H.  Crosman),  the  first  friendly 
salutation  I  had  since  my  entrance.  Learning  I  was  from 
Indiana,  he  said  he  was  glad  to  hear  it,  as  it  was  his  State 
(which  was  not  true)  and  began  asking  me  if  I  knew  certain 
persons  from  that  State,  some  of  whom  I  did.  Crosman 
seemed  glad  to  make  my  acquaintance  and  asked  me  to  call 
on  him. 

In  camp  I  was  assigned  to  A  Company  and  Crosman  be¬ 
longed  to  D.  Hoping  for  some  relief  from  extreme  despon¬ 
dency  and  homesickness  by  making  one  friend  among  the 
higher  class,  I  proceeded  to  his  tent.  I  found  him  lying  down 
in  his  underclothes  smoking  a  meerschaum  pipe. 

He  greeted  me  cheerfully,  invited  me  to  a  seat  and  asked  me 
if  I  smoked.  He  expressed  astonishment  at  my  reply  and 


40 


FIRST  PERIOD 


stated  I  would  never  graduate,  that  no  man  ever  had  graduated 
who  did  not  smoke,  and  that  I  had  better  begin  at  onee. 

I  did  not  wish  to  smoke  and  said  so. 

“Well,  that’s  all  right,”  he  replied,  “but  examine  that  pipe. 
That  is  a  line  pipe — a  first  class  meerschaum  pipe.” 

I  took  the  pipe  and  began  to  examine  it,  when,  placing  his 
own  pipe  on  the  side  of  his  body  opposite  the  sentry  walking 
his  beat  outside,  he  called  “Number  seven,  do  you  see  this 
plebe  smoking?” 

Immediately  the  sentry  cried,  “Corporal  of  the  guard,  num¬ 
ber  seven.” 

I  said,  “Mr.  Crosman,  you  are  not  going  to  report  me  for 
smoking,  are  you?” 

“Well,”  said  he,  “if  I  should,  are  you  going  to  deny  it? 
What’s  the  use?  Didn’t  that  sentry  see  you  with  a  pipe  in 
your  hand  and  this  tent  full  of  smoke?  How  could  you  deny 
it?” 

1  moved,  my  impulse  being  to  return  to  my  tent.  “But,” 
said  he,  “don’t  be  a  coward,  plebe,  face  the  music.  Don’t  run 
away.” 

So  I  sat  still  waiting  results.  Shortly  I  saw  a  corporal  with 
two  men  armed  with  muskets  approaching.  They  marched 
up  facing  me,  one  on  each  side.  Then  the  corporal  sternly 
ordered  me  to  take  my  place  between  them. 

When  I  refused  to  move  each  member  of  the  patrol  placed 
an  arm  under  mine,  lifting  me  from  my  seat.  They  dragged 
me  along,  the  corporal  placing  his  bayonet  against  my  back. 
I  was  placed  in  the  prisoners’  tent.  This  was  in  June  and  the 
weather  was  very  warm.  The  walls  of  the  tent  were  lowered 
and  a  sentinel  placed  over  me  and  I  was  ordered  to  take  what 
was  then  known  as  the  Shanghai  step.  The  tactics  had  just 
been  changed  from  Scott’s  to  Hardie’s,  Hardie’s  step  being 
quicker  and  longer  than  the  step  formerly  used.  The  exercise 
I  was  ordered  to  take  was  marking  time  by  raising  the  feet 
as  high  as  possible,  bringing  the  knee  up  against  the  stomach. 

I  did  this  until  wet  with  perspiration  and  so  exhausted 


WEST  POINT  MILITARY  ACADEMY 


41 


that  I  almost  fell.  Presently  the  sentinel  called,  “Turn  out 
the  guard.  Officer  of  the  Day,”  when  they  hustled  me  with 
other  prisoners  to  form  on  the  left  of  the  guard. 

The  officer  of  the  day  was  Cadet  Lieutenant  Porter,  whom 
I  had  met.  My  hopes  brightened,  thinking  I  would  be  re¬ 
leased  as  soon  as  the  circumstances  became  known.  When 
he  came  to  me,  he  remarked,  “Why,  plebe,  what  are  you  con¬ 
fined  for?” 

“I  don’t  know,”  I  replied. 

“Well,”  said  he,  “if  you  don't  know,  I  think  I  will  keep  you 
in  confinement  until  you  find  out.” 

I  remained  a  prisoner  until  late  in  the  evening,  exercised 
frequently,  when  the  guard  was  again  turned  out.  This  time, 
as  the  officer  of  the  day  said,  “Well,  plebe,  have  you  found  out 
yet  what  you  are  confined  for?”  I  replied,  “Yes,  sir.” 

“Well,  what  is  it?” 

“For  smoking,”  said  I. 

“That’s  not  a  very  serious  offense.  Will  you  promise  not 
to  let  it  occur  again  if  I  release  you?” 

“Certainly,”  I  replied,  and  was  released. 

I  resolved  to  punish  Crosman  physically,  but  at  the  January 
examination  he  was  deficient  and  discharged.  Before  he  left 
he  came  to  see  me.  “Plebe,”  he  said  cheerfully,  “I  am  going 
away.  Here’s  a  set  of  text  books  for  your  next  course.  If 
you  will  accept  them,  I  will  give  them  to  you.  My  impulse 
was  to  refuse  and  force  him  from  my  room,  but,  on  better 
thought,  I  accepted  the  books  and  thanked  him. 

He  afterwards  became  a  captain  in  the  Tenth  Infantry. 

This  was  an  extreme  case  of  hazing  of  the  kind  that  eventu¬ 
ally  brought  it  into  disrepute.  I  believe  hazing  held  within 
bounds  is  of  benefit  to  the  academy,  in  teaching  the  bump¬ 
tious  and  presumptuous  how  little  they  are  prepared  to  enter 
a  life  of  absolute  discipline,  and  how  little  imaginary  personal, 
social,  or  political  superiority  has  to  do  with  their  future 
training. 

Long  experience  as  a  commanding  officer  has  borne  out  my 


42 


FIRST  PERIOD 


belief  that  the  graduate  (by  reason  of  the  cadet  being  placed 
upon  honor  in  all  communications  with  his  superiors)  is  gene¬ 
rally  superior  to  other  commissioned  officers.  But  I  am  wall¬ 
ing  to  admit  that  Crosman’s  apparent  cruelties  and  other  simi¬ 
lar  vicissitudes  better  qualified  me  to  fight  successfully  my 
long  battle  of  life. 

One  of  the  things  that  impressed  me  most  during  my  stay 
at  the  academy  was  the  painting  above  the  chancel,  “Peace 
and  War”  by  Professor  Robert  Wier.  Underneath  it  w'as 
written,  ‘‘Righteousness  exalteth  a  nation  hut  sin  is  a  reproach 
to  any  people.”  The  painting  was  so  beautiful  and  the  senti¬ 
ments  so  inspiring  that  it  impressed  me  all  my  life. 

Among  the  tw'o  hundred  and  fifty  cadets  was  more  diver¬ 
sity  in  dialect,  pronunciation,  and  ways  of  thought  than  there 
had  been  at  Charlotteville.  One  could  soon  tell,  after  a  brief 
conversation,  what  part  of  the  country  one’s  companion  wras 
from.  There  w'as  so  little  traveling  from  State  to  State  that 
almost  every  State  had  its  own  dialect,  as  w'ell  as  peculiar 
theories  of  morals,  politics  and  government.  The  Kansas 
troubles  were  then  at  their  height  and  there  wTere  many  en¬ 
counters  between  the  extremists  of  the  North  and  the  extrem¬ 
ists  of  the  South,  but,  after  a  year  or  two  at  the  academy,  each 
became  reconciled  to  the  other’s  ways  so  that  the  corps,  as  a 
body,  wras  more  homogeneous  than  the  people  at  large. 

Cadet  life  then  was  much  simpler  than  now'.  Our  dining 
table  was  without  covering,  our  tablewrare  heavy  Delft,  and 
the  diet  very  simple.  Years  afterward  my  classmate  Samuel 
Cushing  and  I  were  guests  in  the  barracks  at  the  centennial 
commencement.  To  our  astonishment  the  adjutant  read  an 
order:  “Cadets  of  the  first  class  (graduating)  will  turn  in 
their  napkin  rings  immediately  after  guard  mount.”  Cushing 
jokingly  drew  his  sleeve  across  his  mouth  indicative  of  the 
absence  of  napkins  in  our  day. 

My  experience  with  the  Kentucky  rifle  bad  made  me  one 
of  the  best  shots  in  the  corps.  After  marching  off  guard,  it 
wras  the  custom  for  each  member  to  go  to  the  target  range  and 


WEST  POINT  MILITARY  ACADEMY 


43 


fire  at  a  target,  the  man  making  the  best  shot  being  excused 
from  his  next  tour  of  guard  duty.  I  frequently  got  excused 
for  this  excellence. 

In  camp,  I  drew  a  beautiful  musket,  new,  clean,  undented, 
with  a  curled  walnut  stock,  and  my  mechanical  experience 
enabled  me  to  make  it  the  handsomest  gun  in  the  corps.  At 
guard  mount  it  was  the  adjutant’s  duty  to  select  three  cadets 
having  the  cleanest  uniforms  and  rifles  for  the  “color  guard.” 
When  the  corps  stacked  muskets  at  dress  parade  in  the  morn¬ 
ing,  these  three  color  guards  walked  post  in  front  of  these 
rifles  for  two  hours  only,  after  which  they  were  given  freedom 
for  the  day.  I  frequently  was  detailed  on  this  guard. 

We  were  not  allowed  to  go  off  the  reservation  without  per¬ 
mission,  but  on  one  occasion  I  was  seized  with  a  desire  to 
“run  it.”  Getting  a  ferryman  to  take  me  across  the  Hudson 
to  Cold  Springs,  I  procured  a  bottle  of  brandy.  As  it  was 
contraband,  I  placed  it  under  my  tent  floor. 

We  were  required  to  keep  our  brasses  and  other  trimmings 
bright,  but  were  prohibited  from  using  oxalic  acid.  Never¬ 
theless,  many  of  the  cadets  used  acid  for  cleaning  brasses, 
keeping  the  bottle  well  hidden. 

Unfortunately,  I  placed  my  brandy  near  my  oxalic  acid 
bottle.  At  my  suggestion  my  tentmate,  Andrews,  drew  out 
what  he  supposed  was  the  brandy,  pouring  out  a  drink.  It 
burned  his  mouth,  so  he  spit  it  out,  saying,“  That’s  not  brandy.” 

“Of  course  it  is.  Give  it  to  me,”  I  said,  impetuously  taking 
a  big  swallow.  Immediately  it  began  to  burn.  Lighting  a 
candle,  Andrews  cried,  “Mills,  you  have  taken  acid.”  Someone 
called  out  I  was  poisoned,  and  older  cadets  begged  me  to  run 
to  the  hospital.  I  ran  through  the  sentinel’s  post  without  per¬ 
mission  or  my  cap  to  the  surgeon’s  office.  The  German  steward 
produced  a  ball  of  chalk  about  the  size  of  a  small  orange  and 
told  me  to  eat!  It  was  an  unsavory  meal,  but  I  swallowed  it; 
and  the  steward  told  me  I  would  he  all  right,  which  I  was. 

The  story  spread  through  the  whole  corps,  even  to  the  in¬ 
structing  officers,  and  I  never  heard  the  last  of  it. 


44 


FIRST  PERIOD 


It  was  then  the  custom  for  cadets  to  settle  private  quarrels 
by  personal  combat.  Cadet  Wesley  Merritt,  of  my  company 
and  class,  and  I,  each  weighed  about  one  hundred  and  sixty 
pounds,  were  five  feet  ten  and  a  half  inches  in  height,  as  near 
physically  equal  as  any  two  men  could  be.  A  question  of 
veracity  arising  between  us,  our  friends  decided  we  should  go 
down  by  Dade’s  monument  and  settle  the  matter.  Merritt 
selected  his  tentmate,  Alfred  T.  Smith,  and  I  mine,  John  N. 
Andrews,  to  act  as  seconds. 

Although  our  hearts  were  not  in  it,  and  we  were  always 
the  best  of  friends  afterward,  we  had  one  of  the  hardest  fights 
that  took  place  while  I  was  at  the  academy.  We  were  finally 
separated  by  our  seconds,  covered  with  blood,  and  started 
back  to  camp,  when,  like  Roderick’s  Clan  Alpines  in  the  Lady 
of  the  Lake,  nearly  a  hundred  cadets,  secretly  assembled  as 
spectators,  arose  from  the  surrounding  foliage. 

General  Scott  was  a  great  friend  of  the  academy  and  of  the 
cadets,  and  often  visited  us.  Once  when  a  plebe  in  camp,  I 
was  on  post  No.  1  at  the  guard  house.  As  was  his  habit  when 
walking  out,  General  Scott  wore  all  the  gaudy  uniform  to 
which  he  was  entitled.  The  corporal  of  the  guard  called  out 
to  me:  “Be  careful;  General  Scott  is  approaching.” 

As  he  arrived  at  the  proper  distance,  I  called  out,  “Turn 
out  the  guard;  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  United  States 
forces.” 

General  Scott  halted,  faced  me,  threw  his  right  hand  to  his 
military  chapeau  with  its  flaming  plume,  raised  it  high  in  his 
hand,  and  called  out  in  a  very  stern  military  manner:  “Never 
mind  the  guard,  sir.” 

He  was  the  most  formidable,  handsome,  and  finest-looking 
man  I  have  ever  seen,  and  carried  himself  with  all  the  pomp 
of  his  high  position.  Every  military  man  admired  him. 

Congress  had  passed  a  law  making  the  course  at  West  Point 
five,  instead  of  four  years,  which  necessitated  dividing  the 
class  ahead  of  mine  in  two  parts,  so  that  our  class  was  more 
than  twice  as  large  as  either  of  the  two  classes  preceding  it. 


WEST  POINT  MILITARY  ACADEMY 


45 


It  may  be  that  there  was  more  or  less  disposition  to  equalize 
the  classes.  However  that  may  he,  in  the  February  examina¬ 
tion,  I  was  found  deficient  in  mathematics  and  resigned. 
Although  realizing  that  I  had  no  just  complaint,  I  was  so 
greatly  humiliated,  I  was  ashamed  to  go  home. 

I  therefore  wrote  my  father  that,  as  he  had  favored  me 
above  the  rest  of  his  children,  I  wished  him  to  leave  me  out 
of  any  consideration  in  the  distribution  of  his  property,  but 
to  give  it  exclusively  to  my  brothers  and  sisters,  and  that  I 
would  show  the  world  I  could  make  a  living  for  myself. 

Although  not  a  graduate,  I  have  always  had  the  greatest 
respect  for  the  teachings  and  discipline  of  the  academy.  I 
believe  the  U.  S.  Military  Academy  has  turned  out  the  best 
officers  known  to  the  world’s  history.  Schaff  says,  in  “The 
Spirit  of  old  West  Point,”  that  my  class  was  not  only  the 
largest,  but  the  most  distinguished  during  that  period.  Of 
this  class  nine  became  general  officers,  and  nine  were  killed 
in  battle. 


46 


Early  Days  in  Texas 

I  went  to  Texas,  then  a  small  State,  via  the  Ohio  and  Mis¬ 
sissippi  rivers  from  Cincinnati  to  New  Orleans,  thence  up  the 
Red  River  to  Shreveport,  and  from  there  to  McKinney,  Colin 
County,  on  foot,  arriving  in  April,  1857. 

Here  1  made  the  acquaintance  of  Judge  R.  L.  Waddell,  the 
judge  of  that  district,  formerly  a  member  of  Congress  from 
Kentucky.  He  offered  to  get  me  a  school,  stating  that  he  had 
five  children  who  ought  to  be  taught,  and  gave  me  the  privilege 
of  studying  law  with  him.  As  I  had  nothing  else  to  do,  I  com¬ 
menced  teaching  a  class  of  sixty  scholars,  studying  and  recit¬ 
ing  law  to  him  meanwhile. 

Judge  Waddell  had  a  plantation  near  the  town  and,  in 
his  absence  on  the  circuit,  placed  me  in  charge  of  his  affairs, 
including  the  management  of  the  plantation  and  his  thirty 
slaves.  A  strong  Union  man  and  earnestly  opposed  to  slavery, 
Judge  Waddell  often  told  me  that  if  his  slaves  could  make  a 
living  for  themselves  he  would  freely  manumit  them.  But 
they  could  not,  and  he  was  justified  in  holding  them  for  their 
own  sakes  as  long  as  he  could.  It  was  here  that  I  became 
acquainted  with  the  negro  character,  its  childish  simplicity 
and  numerous  admirable  traits. 

The  judge  was  a  remarkable  man  and  a  most  worthy 
character,  unselfish  and  law  abiding.  I  have  often  heard  him 
refuse  cases  because  he  could  not  defend  clients  believing  them 
guilty.  He  treated  me  as  a  son,  giving  me  much  good  advice. 
He  never  entered  a  saloon  and  advised  me  not  to,  which 
advice  I  practically  have  followed  all  my  life. 

At  McKinney  I  met  Sam  Houston,  a  personal  friend  of  Judge 
Waddell.  Although  then  an  old  man  and  I  a  very  young  one, 
he  took  quite  an  interest  in  me,  and  we  took  many  walks 
together  in  Trinity  Bottom,  where,  one  day,  he  cut  a  stick  of 
osage  orange  (hois  d’arc)  which  he  fashioned  into  a  cane  and 
presented  to  me,  and  which  I  have  to  this  day. 


EARLY  DAYS  IN  TEXAS 


47 


In  teaching  school  at  McKinney,  I  adopted  Charlie  Naylor’s 
methods  of  avoiding  corporal  punishment,  but  there  was  a 
surly  rowdy  about  eighteen  years  old,  as  large  as  I  was,  who 
often  made  trouble  with  the  other  scholars,  even  after  I  threat¬ 
ened  to  punish  him  if  he  did  not  change.  One  afternoon,  a 
little  boy  ran  up  to  me,  saying:  “Master,  you  better  look  out 
for  Tom  Shane;  he’s  got  a  pistol,  and  he’s  going  to  shoot  you.” 

Tom,  as  usual,  was  late.  When  I  saw  him  coming,  I  placed 
;  myself  just  inside  the  door.  As  he  entered  I  seized  him  by 
the  collar,  saying,  “Tom,  give  me  that  pistol!”  He  was  so 
overcome  by  surprise  that  he  handed  it  to  me  without  a  word. 

I  took  it  to  Tom’s  father,  a  blacksmith.  Young  Shane  prob¬ 
ably  received  a  more  severe  punishment  that  night  than  I 
could  have  given  him.  After  that,  I  had  no  more  trouble. 

At  this  time  there  was  great  excitement  between  North  and 
South,  caused  principally  by  the  troubles  resulting  from  the 
settlement  of  Kansas  and  the  many  conflicts  between  those 
who  were  taking  slaves  there  and  those  who  were  determined 
it  should  be  a  free  State.  The  negroes  became  so  excited  the 
legislature  passed  a  law  making  it  a  felony  for  any  person  to 
teach  a  negro  how  to  read  or  write.  The  new  statute  also 
prohibited  free  negroes  from  living  in  the  State,  and  set  a 
date  on  which  all  free  negroes  who  had  failed  to  choose  a 
master  would  be  sold  into  slavery. 

One  Sunday,  a  large  free  negro  blacksmith  about  twenty- 
eight  or  thirty  years  old  came  into  Judge  Waddell’s  office  and 
asked  me  if  it  were  true  that  he  would  have  to  choose  a  master 
or  be  sold  into  slavery.  I  told  him  it  was.  He  then  asked  me 
to  he  his  master,  that  he  might  avoid  being  sold  to  another. 
For  many  reasons  I  declined,  though  I  could  have  sold  him 
for  a  thousand  dollars.  As  he  had  means,  I  advised  him  to 
go  where  he  would  not  be  sold.  I  never  knew  what  became 
of  him. 

During  the  winter  there  were  four  or  five  times  as  many 
fires  in  adjacent  counties  as  there  had  ever  been  before.  It 
was  generally  believed  that  Northern  abolition  influence  had 


48 


FIRST  PERIOD 


been  communicated  to  the  negroes,  and  that  they  were  tryi 
to  terrorize  their  masters.  Consequently,  a  law  was  pass 
forbidding  negroes  to  remain  out  at  night,  and  authorizi 
anyone  to  arrest  and  take  to  jail  more  than  two  negroes  fou 
together.  jy 

I  remained  in  McKinney  about  a  year,  when  the  Butterfie 
Overland  Mail  was  chartered  from  St.  Louis  to  San  Francisi  0 
an  eighteen-day  journey,  with  daily  service  each  way.  El  Pa  | 
was  a  promising  Mexican  settlement,  and  would  probably  , 
the  half-way  house,  and  eventually  a  place  of  some  impc  , 
tance.  I  therefore  bid  Judge  Waddell  good-bye  and  starti  , 
for  El  Paso.  Before  going,  however,  I  visited  my  father,  goii 
with  a  Mr.  Ditto  of  Kentucky  through  the  Cherokee  Natio 
where  we  bought  a  small  drove  of  very  beautiful  little  Indii 
ponies,  and  drove  them  to  St.  Louis  and  sold  them.  I  remaim 
a  month  or  so  with  my  father  and,  upon  returning  to  Texa 
on  my  father’s  advice,  took  my  brother  Will  to  McKinne 
and  he  took  up  school  teaching  where  I  left  off. 


49 


El  Paso  Experiences 

The  journey  to  El  Paso,  where  I  arrived  on  the  eighth  of 
May,  1858,  was  through  the  most  desolate  country,  with  Indians 
on  all  sides,  some  hostile  and  some  friendly.  Coyotes  and 
other  wild  animals  abounded,  but  most  interesting  were 
the  numerous  buffalo  east  of  the  Pecos.  There  were  literally 
millions.  I  have  seen  the  plains  black  with  them  and,  when 
moving,  which  they  did  at  a  kind  of  lope  or  gallop,  I  have  felt 
the  earth  tremble  under  the  impress  of  their  heavy  shoulders. 
When  we  encountered  one  of  these  moving  herds,  so 
impetuous  in  its  advance  no  obstacle  could  resist  it,  we  would 
turn  the  coach  horses  in  the  direction  of  its  flight  and  the 
passengers  would  dismount  and  fire  their  guns  to  scare  the 
buffalo  away. 

At  a  station,  near  the  Pecos  River,  that  had  been  robbed  by 
the  Indians,  we  had  to  remain  two  or  three  days,  until  we 
received  fresh  horses.  The  Indians  had  carried  off  all  the 
eatables,  except  some  corn  and  sugar,  and  we  parched  and 
ground  the  corn  into  meal  with  the  coffee  mill  and  boiled  it 
with  sugar  to  keep  us  alive  until  relief  came. 

Save  for  this  one  delay,  we  made  this  distressing  journey 
without  stopping  night  or  day  except  for  meals.  If  I  gave  up 
my  seat  at  a  station  there  was  no  certainty  that  I  would  get  a 
place  in  the  next  coach,  so  we  all  stuck  to  our  seats,  although 
passengers  sometimes  became  crazed  for  want  of  sleep,  and 
one  or  two  had  dashed  into  the  desert  and  been  lost. 

After  seven  days’  and  nights’  travel,  when  I  arrived  at  the 
bluffs  overlooking  the  valley  of  the  Rio  Grande,  I  thought  it 
was  the  most  pleasant  sight  I  had  ever  seen.  When  we  drove 
into  the  town,  which  consisted  of  a  ranch  of  some  hundred 
and  fifty  acres  in  cultivation  in  beautiful  grape,  apple,  apricot, 
pear,  and  peach  orchards,  watermelons,  grain,  wheat  and 
corn,  it  seemed  still  more  beautiful,  especially  when,  under 
the  shade  of  the  large  cottonwood  trees  along  the  acequias 


50 


FIRST  PERIOD 


(canals  for  irrigation),  we  saw  Mexican  girls  selling  fruits  of 
all  kinds  grown  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river  at  what  was 
known  as  Paso  del  Norte,  a  city  of  thirteen  thousand  people, 
controlled  by  well-to-do  and  educated  Spaniards. 

The  town  on  the  American  side  was  simply  a  ranch  owned 
by  “Uncle  Billy”  Smith,  an  illiterate  Kentuckian.  One  Frank¬ 
lin  Coontz  asked  to  be  made  postmaster,  and  when  the  Post 
Office  Department  informed  him  he  would  first  have  to  name 
the  office,  he  named  it  after  himself,  “Franklin.” 

Mr.  Smith  was  generous,  but  unbusiness-like.  He  had  given 
or  sold  small  parcels  of  land  to  many  who  built  without  any 
survey  having  been  made.  Two  or  three  hundred  people  lived 
here,  mostly  Mexicans  and  their  families,  engaged  in  culti¬ 
vating  the  ranch.  There  were  three  wholesale  stores  which 
sold  goods  brought  up  by  mule  trains  from  Kansas  City  via 
Santa  Fe  to  supply  the  needs  of  Paso  del  Norte,  Chihuahua 
City  and  other  towns  in  Chihuahua.  The  Butterfield  Overland 
Mail  established  a  headquarters  with  many  employes  and 
made  Franklin  somewhat  of  a  money  center.  The  Mexican 
disposition  to  gamble  and  the  wild  and  lawless  character  of 
the  times  brought  perhaps  twenty  professional  gamblers  to 
Franklin. 

The  Texan  war  with  Mexico  for  independence,  in  1836,  and 
the  war  between  the  United  States  and  Mexico,  in  1847,  together 
with  the  hostile  Indians  on  the  north  of  the  Bio  Grande 
during  the  early  Spanish  settlement,  forced  most  of  the  popu¬ 
lation  and  wealth  to  the  Mexican  side  of  the  Bio  Grande.  Few 
towns  on  the  American  side  were  of  any  importance.  The 
county  seat  of  El  Paso  County  was  then  San  Elisario,  twenty 
miles  below  Franklin,  with  about  twelve  hundred  inhabitants. 
When  I  arrived  in  El  Paso  it  was  dangerous  to  go  far  from 
the  village.  Mesquite  root  gatherers  were  attacked,  the  men 
killed  and  the  animals  driven  off  within  a  half-mile  from  the 
village. 

But  on  the  Mexican  side  were  large,  wealthy  towns,  with 
good  society  and  well  ordered  governments.  After  the  Doni- 


EL  PASO  EXPERIENCES 


51 


phan  expedition  to  Chihuahua,  our  government  had  estab¬ 
lished  Fort  Bliss,  a  mile  and  a  half  below  El  Paso,  with  seven 
companies  of  infantry  and  mounted  rifles.  I  made  the 
acquaintance  of  the  officers,  finding  several  who  had  been 
cadets  with  me  at  the  academy,  among  them  a  classmate, 
Will  Jones,  the  adjutant.  Through  them  I  got  an  earlier 
standing  among  the  people  than  would  otherwise  have  been 
possible  for  me  to  do. 

The  act  of  annexation  of  Texas  to  the  United  States  provided 
that  Texas  retain  her  public  lands.  The  El  Paso  and  Presidio 
land  district  included  all  territory  west  of  the  Pecos  River 
(El  Paso  and  Presidio  Counties),  an  area  larger  than  New 
Jersey. 

With  the  recommendation  of  the  army  officers  and  Judge 
Crosby  of  that  judicial  district,  I  was  appointed  surveyor  for 
that  district  by  the  State  government.  Immediately  I  had 
plenty  of  work  on  pending  locations  for  two  hundred  miles 
below  Franklin,  many  tracts  embracing  five  thousand  acres 
each,  and  also  the  reservations  leased  by  the  War  Department 
for  the  posts  of  Quitman,  Davis,  Stockton,  and  Fort  Bliss.  All 
of  them  I  surveyed  within  the  next  year. 

The  Overland  Mail  Company  also  employed  me  to  build  a 
station  covering  almost  an  entire  block. 

At  my  suggestion.  Judge  J.  F.  Crosby,  J.  S.  and  H.  S.  Gillett, 
W.  J.  Morton,  and  V.  St.  Vrain  formed  a  company  with  Mr. 
Smith,  the  owner  of  the  Ponce  grant,  on  which  Franklin  was 
located,  employing  me  to  lay  out  a  town,  as  Freemont's  pro¬ 
jected  Memphis,  El  Paso  &  Pacific  Railroad,  the  advent  of  the 
Overland  Mail  and  westward  immigration  made  it  necessary 
to  enlarge  the  village. 

I  made  a  survey  and  a  plat  of  the  town.  As  the  houses 
had  been  built  at  random,  without  a  survey,  on  plots  given 
by  Mr.  Smith,  the  few  streets  were  neither  parallel  nor  at 
right  angles.  I  had  difficulty  in  making  a  plan  agreeable  to 
the  then  owners.  I  made  several  different  sketches  before  I 
produced  one  that  all  six  proprietors  adopted  and  signed. 


52 


FIRST  PERIOD 


All  these  original  sketches,  together  with  a  copy  of  the  first 
map,  are  still  preserved  in  the  El  Paso  Public  Library.  (Cut, 
54,  55.) 

The  work,  which  I  was  glad  to  get,  occupied  me  two  months. 
My  pay  was  one  hundred  dollars  and  four  lots — Nos.  116,  117, 
134  and  137 — valued  at  fifty  dollars  each. 

Franklin  Coontz  turned  out  an  undesirable  citizen,  and  it 
was  suggested  that  I  rename  the  city.  As  this  was  not  -only 
the  north  and  south  pass  of  the  Rio  Grande  through  the  Rocky 
Mountains  but  also  the  only  feasible  route  from  east  to  west 
crossing  that  river,  for  hundreds  of  miles,  I  suggested  that 
El  Paso  would  indicate  the  importance  of  the  location.  It 
was  decided  to  so  name  it. 

According  to  an  act  of  Congress,  approved  June  5,  1858,  a 
commission  to  establish  the  boundary  between  Texas  and  the 
Territory  of  New  Mexico  was  organized.  John  H.  Clark  was 
appointed  United  States  Commissioner  and  Major  William 
R.  Scurry,  Texas  Commissioner.  After  they  established  the 
initial  point  near  what  is  now  called  Anthony,  there  was  a 
disagreement,  and  the  Texas  Commission  surveyor  resigned. 
Major  Scurry  appointed  me  in  his  place. 

The  commission,  with  its  escort  of  two  companies  of  the 
Seventh  Infantry,  Lieutenant  Lazelle  commanding,  was  a  very 
pleasant  organization  aside  from  the  quarrel  between  the 
commissioners.  Major  Scurry  was  a  most  genial  companion. 
Mr.  Clark  was  ambitious  in  his  assumption  of  highly  scientific 
attainments  and  overbearing  to  those  he  deemed  not  his  equal 
in  such  acquirements. 

Major  Scurry,  like  Judge  Waddell,  took  quite  an  interest 
in  me.  The  three  army  officers  and  one  or  two  members  of 
the  commission  often  played  poker  for  stakes.  The  bets  were 
not  large,  but  Major  Scurry,  observing  that  I  generally  lost, 
said  to  me  one  day:  “Mr.  Mills,  you  ought  never  to  play  poker. 
You  are  not  qualified  for  it.  A  poker  player  has  to  be  a  cold¬ 
blooded  man.  I  can  look  into  your  face  every  time  you  draw 
a  hand  and  tell  just  about  what  you  have  drawn.  I  advise 


EI.  FASO  EXPERIENCES 


53 


you  never  to  play  another  game,  for  you  will  never  succeed 
in  it.”  And  1  never  did. 

The  disagreements  between  the  United  States  and  Texas 
commissioners  became  acute.  As  1  thought  Mr.  Clark  was 
mostly  to  blame,  when  Major  Scurry  finally  resigned,  I  did 
also. 

I  never  saw  Major  Scurry  again,  but  learned  that  he  raised 
a  Confederate  regiment  and  was  killed  at  the  head  of  his 
troops  in  a  battle  with  Banks’  Expedition  on  the  upper  Red 
River. 

On  returning  to  El  Paso,  I  wrote  to  my  brother,  W.  W., 
whose  school  term  had  expired,  that  I  had  secured  him  a  posi¬ 
tion  as  clerk  in  the  sutler’s  store  at  Fort  Fillmore.  He  held 
this  position  a  year,  and  then  joined  me  in  El  Paso.  He  had 
enough  money  to  buy  a  lot,  on  which  I  built  him  a  house, 
costing  about  a  thousand  dollars. 

W.  W.  and  I  then  sent  for  our  brother  Emmett,  and  we 
three  built  a  ranch  eighteen  miles  above  El  Paso,  called  “Los 
Tres  Hermanos.”  Emmett  occupied  this  ranch,  which  was 
made  into  a  Santa  Fe  mail  station. 

Previously  I  lived  on  lot  No.  116  in  a  tent,  doing  my  own 
cooking.  I  built  myself  a  nice  adobe  house,  doing  much  of 
the  work  myself.  Mexican  peons  made  the  bricks  from  a 
mixture  of  adobe  soil  and  straw.  They  were  two  feet  by  one 
foot,  four  inches  thick,  and  dried  in  the  sun.  These  were  very 
substantial,  withstood  the  rain  and  made  a  house  cool  in  the 
daytime  and  warm  at  night.  The  house  was  on  the  bank  of  a 
ditch  supplying  running  water  to  the  farm  and  under  many 
cottonwood  trees.  In  summer  I  often  slept  on  the  adobe  earth 
roof.  Strange  to  say,  even  in  the  hardest  rains  the  water 
would  seldom  go  through  the  roof,  which  was  about  eight 
inches  thick. 

At  the  same  time  I  built  my  house,  I  superintended  building 
houses  for  many  others. 

I  early  learned  the  ways  of  the  roaming  Indians,  and  in  my 
surveying  expeditions  took  only  a  burro  for  my  pack  and  two 


54 


(^ELPASQ  ~)  * 

Canb  AQkioiNi^e  uxds  >  ,  -j*  *r  «  ^  _ 

SCALE  - 

lOOO'VXHAS  TO  TSt  LNCH. 


Pom)- of  hills  rough  ood  hrohen  a/!W  Jfl 


^_^FE.AT 

rTDWH%ELF 


DIMENSIONS 

BLOCKS  teOEEET  SQUARE. 
LOTSS6FEET  8  INCHES  BY  120  FEET. 
^  STREETS  TO  FEET  WI^E? 
ALLEYS 

PROPRIETORS.^ - 

J.S.  GILLETT,  H.S.GILLETT. 
©J.F.  CROSBY,  W.  J.  MORTON, cG 
©V  ST.VRAIN,  WT.  SMITH,  o> 
ANSON  MILLS, v 

FEB.  207l859^  SURVEYOR. 


55 


Text,  51. 


56 


FIRST  PERIOD 


Mexicans  for  chain  carriers.  I  wore  a  buckskin  suit  made  by 
myself,  and  carried  a  single  change  of  underclothing.  We 
moved  from  tract  to  tract,  camping  without  a  tent  under  the 
mesquite  trees,  our  provisions  consisting  only  of  coffee,  hard 
bread  and  bacon,  and  occasionally  some  fresh  meat  we  could 
kill.  Although  Indians  undoubtedly  saw  us,  they  never 
attacked  us  during  the  three  years  in  which  I  did  surveying. 
The  risk  of  being  killed  to  secure  only  one  animal  and  a  small 
amount  of  provisions  was  not  worth  while. 

My  principal  employer  was  Mr.  Samuel  A.  Maverick,  of 
San  Antonio,  formerly  from  South  Carolina.  A  run-away 
hoy,  he  had  joined  an  expedition  of  about  twenty  men,  which 
invaded  Mexico  at  the  town  of  Mier  prior  to  the  Mexican  war. 
The  party  was  captured.  The  Mexicans  put  ten  white  beans 
in  a  bag  with  ten  black  ones,  ordering  them  to  draw  a  bean 
each.  Those  who  got  the  hlack  beans  were  immediately  shot. 
Maverick  began  locating  land  soon  after  the  war  and  became 
the  largest  land-holder  in  Texas,  if  not  in  the  United  States. 

He  owned  more  cattle  on  the  free  public  range  than  any 
other  man  in  Texas.  In  1861  nearly  all  the  people  went  into 
the  war.  Maverick’s  cattle  ran  wild  on  the  range,  and,  when 
the  war  closed  there  were  tens  of  thousands  of  cattle  bred 
during  the  four  years.  Maverick  was  the  greatest  claimant  to 
these  wild  cattle,  and  marked  them  with  his  brand  wherever 
caught.  Other  owners,  and  even  men  who  had  never  owned 
cattle,  would  brand  with  their  own  marks  such  cattle  as  they 
caught  unbranded.  It  thus  became  the  custom  among  cattle 
owners  using  the  free  range  to  stamp  as  their  own  any  un¬ 
branded  cattle  they  found  during  the  “round  up.”  and  to  this 
day  these  stray  cattle  are  known  as  “Mavericks.” 

Maverick  accompanied  me  on  every  surveying  expedition 
I  made,  following  my  tracings  and  examining  my  notes.  He 
expressed  the  greatest  patriotism  as  a  Unionist,  was  bitterly 
opposed  to  the  then  proposed  secession,  as  were  most  Texans, 
including  Governor  Houston. 

When  placer  and  quartz  gold  was  discovered  in  the  Penos 


EL  PASO  EXPERIENCES 


57 


Altos  range  of  mountains  in  Arizona,  near  the  present  Silver 
City,  Maverick  requested  me  to  find  how  valuable  these  mines 
were.  With  a  gambler  (Conklin)  I  bought  a  good  two-horse 
team  and  traveled  the  hundred  and  fifty  miles  to  reach  these 
mines. 

At  Penos  Altos  I  met  James  R.  Sipes,  a  clerk  for  Postmaster 
Dowell.  1  said,  “Hello,  Sipes,  how  is  it;  is  there  plenty  of 
gold  here?” 

He  laughed  and  answered,  “Mills,  there  is  the  greatest  quan¬ 
tity  of  gold  here,  but  there  is  too  damned  much  dirt  mixed 
with  it!”  which  I  found  to  be  true. 

Locating  a  claim,  I  worked  a  month,  8,000  feet  above  sea 
level,  where  in  the  day  it  was  scorching  hot  and  at  night  freez¬ 
ing  cold,  and  discovered  that  by  hard  work  I  could  make  about 
three  dollars  a  day.  Fortunately,  I  had  brought  my  surveying 
instruments,  so  I  abandoned  mining  and  laid  out  the  town  of 
Penos  Altos.  I  also  surveyed  many  claims,  about  which 
there  were  constant  disputes.  But  I  soon  returned  to  El  Paso, 
reporting  to  Maverick  that  the  mines  were  not  of  sufficient 
importance  to  interest  him. 

At  this  time  slavery  agitation  became  very  violent,  creating 
unrest  in  Texas,  especially  among  the  New  England  emigrants, 
who  became  the  most  rabid  secessionists  of  all.  Some  of  my 
friends  in  the  North  wrote  me  what  would  today  be  called 
treasonable  literature,  sending  me  the  New  York  Tribune  with 
the  most  violent  abolition  articles  marked.  Postmaster  Ben 
Dowell  was  induced  to  open  my  mail,  and  later  refused  to 
deliver  any  to  me,  forming  a  committee  to  burn  it  publicly! 

When  my  term  as  district  surveyor  expired,  I  was  the  only 
candidate  for  election,  being  the  only  person  in  the  county 
competent  to  survey  land.  But  several  political  enemies  pub¬ 
licly  stated  that  I  was  an  abolitionist,  and  that  it  would  he 
unpatriotic  to  vote  for  me.  As  I  had  always  been  a  Democrat, 
voting  for  Sam  Houston  and  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  and  never 
sympathized  at  all  with  the  abolition  movement.  I  posted  the 
following  notice  on  a  tree: 


58 


FIRST  PERIOD 


Notice 


I  have  just  been  informed  that  J.  S.  Gillett,  W.  J.  Mor¬ 
ton,  and  J.  R.  Sipes  stated  last  night  to  R.  Doane  and  F. 
Remy  that  I  was  an  abolitionist,  for  the  purpose  of  injur¬ 
ing  my  character.  As  I  never  cast  any  other  than  a  Demo¬ 
cratic  vote  or  expressed  other  than  Democratic  sentiments, 

1  denounce  these  three  above-named  persons  as  wilful 
and  malicious  lying  scoundrels.  Sipes  and  Morton  owe 
me  borrowed  money  for  the  last  two  years.  I  would  like 
to  have  a  settlement.  I  never  asked  any  one  to  vote  for 
me  as  surveyor  and  I  now  withdraw  my  name  as  a  candi¬ 
date,  and  will  not  serve  if  elected. 

A.  Mills. 

El  Paso,  Texas. 

2  O’Clock,  P.M.,  August  6,  1860. 

The  men  I  denounced  tacked  their  reply  on  the  same  tree, 
as  follows: 

Notice 


A  certain  contemptible  “pup,”  signing  himself  A.  Mills, 
having  publicly  published  the  undersigned  as  scoundrels, 
we  have  only  to  say  that  he  is  so  notoriously  known 
throughout  the  entire  county  as  a  damned  black  Repub¬ 
lican  scoundrel,  we  deem  him  unworthy  of  further  notice. 

However,  we  hereby  notify  this  fellow  that  his  insig¬ 
nificance  shall  not  protect  him  in  future. 

W.  J.  Morton, 

J.  R.  Sipes, 

John  S.  Gillett. 

Then,  I  received  this  letter: 

El  Paso,  Texas, 

August  7,  1860. 

Mr.  Mills: 

Sir  :  I  have  noticed  my  name  in  connection  with  two 
others  denouncing  us  publicly  as  malicious,  lying  scoun¬ 
drels. 


EL  FASO  EXPERIENCES 


59 


For  my  part,  I  now  ask  of  you  an  immediate  retraction 
of  the  same,  and  as  publicly  as  your  accusation. 

John  S.  Gillett. 


Gillett,  a  wealthy  wholesale  merchant,  had  fought  a  duel 
with  an  army  officer.  As  I  paid  no  attention  to  his  implied 
challenge,  he  sent  word  he  would  attack  me  on  sight.  I 
always  went  armed,  and  though  we  often  met,  he  never  car¬ 
ried  out  his  threat.  After  the  war  he  became  a  common 
drunkard,  very  poor,  living  with  a  Mexican  woman.  I  often 
met  him,  and  he  frequently  asked  me  for  a  quarter  (which  I 
gave  him),  stating  that  he  was  hungry.  What  horrible  miseries 
war  brings  about.  He  wanted  to  he  an  honorable  man. 

In  my  address  before  the  Society  of  the  Army  of  the  Cum¬ 
berland  (Appendix  386)  will  he  found  a  statement  of  some 
of  the  reasons  which  led  to  political  unrest  in  Texas,  and  par¬ 
ticularly  why  vigilance  committees  were  formed  in  many 
counties.  Many  people  were  lynched;  principally  Germans — 
especially  at  New  Braunfels  and  vicinity — who  voted  against 
secession  or  denounced  the  principle. 

I  was  ordered  before  the  vigilance  committee  of  El  Paso 
County  by  the  sheriff,  John  Watts.  I  told  him  no  one  man 
could  take  me,  and  I  knew  that  he  was  not  coward  enough  to 
bring  a  posse.  He  said:  “Mills,  I'll  never  come  for  you.”  And 
he  never  did. 

I  was  notified  by  this  same  committee  that  the  vote  of  the 
county  must  be  unanimous  for  secession,  and  that  I  would 
imperil  my  life  if  I  voted  against  it. 

Phil  Herbert,  a  violent  secessionist  and  a  personal  friend  of 
mine,  came  to  my  house  on  election  day  and  said,  “Mills,  are 
you  going  to  vote?”  I  said  that  I  was.  “Well,”  he  said,  “I 
know  how  you  are  going  to  vote.  I  am  going  to  vote  for  seces¬ 
sion,  hut  I  would  like  to  go  with  you.  If  there  is  trouble,  I 
will  defend  you.”  He  had  a  pistol  and  advised  me  to  carry 
one,  and  we  went  together  to  the  polling  place.  This  was  in 
a  large  gambling  house,  in  which  was  Ben  Dowell’s  postoffice. 


60 


FIRST  PERIOD 


The  judge  of  the  election  was  Judge  Gillock,  recently  from 
Connecticut,  a  violent  secessionist. 

Herbert  and  I  entered,  arm  in  arm,  and  Herbert  first  pre¬ 
sented  his  ballot,  which  Gillock  received  and  cast  into  the 
ballot  box  near  the  door.  I  drew  from  my  pocket  a  sheet  of 
foolscap  paper  on  which  was  written,  “No  separation — Anson 
Mills,”  in  large  letters,  and,  unfolding  it,  I  held  it  up  to  the 
sight  of  half  a  dozen  army  officers  and  others  playing  billiards, 
faro  and  other  gambling  games,  saying,  “Gentlemen,  some  of 
you  may  be  curious  to  know  how  I  am  going  to  vote.  This 
is  my  ballot.”  Gillock  refused  to  receive  it,  but  Herbert  said, 
peremptorily,  “That  is  a  legal  vote.  Place  it  in  the  box.”  And 
Gillock  did  so.  We  left  the  room  unmolested. 

My  vote  was  one  of  the  two  cast  against  secession  in  El  Paso 
County,  when  there  were  over  nine  hundred  cast  for  seces¬ 
sion.  Some  were  legal,  but  the  majority,  cast  by  Mexican 
citizens  from  the  other  side  of  the  river,  were  not. 

My  friends,  particularly  Herbert,  felt  it  would  be  foolhardy 
to  remain  longer.  Herbert  went  to  Richmond,  joined  the  Con¬ 
federacy,  and  was  killed  in  the  Battle  of  Mansfield,  La.,  at 
the  head  of  his  regiment. 

I  decided  to  go  to  Washington  and  join  the  Federal  forces. 
The  evening  before  I  left.  Colonel  Reeve,  commanding  Fort 
Bliss,  invited  me  to  dinner  with  his  adjutant,  my  classmate. 
Will  Jones.  During  the  dinner.  Colonel  Reeve  remarked  that 
he  did  not  want  to  obey  Twiggs’  order  to  surrender  to  the 
Texans  (text,  69)  because  he  had  large  government  stores, 
which  would  be  of  great  value  in  case  of  war  to  either  the 
government  or  the  Confederates.  Therefore,  he  wanted  me 
to  see  the  Secretary  of  War,  and  explain  the  circumstances, 
and  get  him  verbal  or  written  authority  to  take  his  command 
and  this  property  into  New  Mexico. 

When  I  finally  arrived  in  Washington,  I  explained  the  situ¬ 
ation  to  Judge  Watts,  who  went  with  me  to  Secretary  Cam¬ 
eron  and  delivered  Reeves’s  message.  I  agreed  to  take  back  to 
El  Paso  any  verbal  message  that  the  Secretary  would  entrust 


EL  PASO  EXPERIENCES 


61 


to  me,  but  Mr.  Cameron  was  so  uncertain  as  to  what  might 
happen  that  he  refused,  saying  that  Colonel  Reeve  must  act 
on  his  own  judgment. 

I  had  been  prosperous  and  was  well-to-do.  But  now  men 
who  owed  me  refused  to  pay,  and  all  I  owed  demanded  imme¬ 
diate  payment.  It  was  all  I  could  do  to  raise  money  enough 
to  take  me  to  Washington.  The  baggage  allowance  was  but 
forty  pounds,  so  I  left  everything  I  had  to  the  mercy  of  my 
political  enemies.  I  did  not  dream  that  it  would  be  twenty 
years  before  I  again  saw  El  Paso. 


62 


In  Washington 

We  left  in  the  coach  on  the  9th  of  March,  1861.  I  was  one 
of  eight  passengers.  Some  were  going  to  Richmond  and  some 
to  Washington,  but  we  agreed,  as  this  was  expected  to  be  the 
last  coach  to  go  through,  to  stand  by  each  other  and  declare 
we  were  all  going  on  business. 

The  secessionists  had  organized  several  companies  of  State 
troops  commanded  by  the  McCullough  brothers  and  others, 
with  instructions  from  the  bogus  legislature  commission  to 
take  over  the  military  posts  and  property  according  to  General 
Twiggs’  treaty  (text,  69).  We  met  part  of  this  force,  under 
the  younger  McCullough,  near  Fort  Chadbourne,  and  we  were 
all  excitement  to  know'  what  they  would  do,  as  it  wras  rumored 
they  would  seize  the  mail  company  horses  for  cavalry.  March¬ 
ing  in  columns  of  two,  they  separated,  one  column  to  the  right 
and  the  other  to  the  left  of  the  stage  coach. 

We  told  the  driver  to  drive  fast  and  to  say  he  wras  carrying 
United  States  mail.  The  soldiers  laughed  at  this,  and  four  of 
them,  taking  hold  of  the  right-hand  wheels  and  four  of  the  left, 
the  driver  could  not,  with  the  greatest  whipping,  induce  the 
horses  to  proceed.  They  laughed  again,  and  called  out:  “Is 
Horace  Greeley  aboard?” 

Horace  Greeley  had  been  lecturing  in  California,  and  had 
announced  his  return  by  the  Butterfield  route.  The  soldiers 
w'ere  familiar  with  his  picture  and,  after  examining  us, 
allowed  us  to  proceed. 

When  we  reached  Denton,  the  county  seat  of  Denton 
County,  my  old  friend  Judge  Waddell  w?as  holding  court,  and 
while  the  rest  of  the  party  ate  breakfast,  I  went  to  the  court¬ 
house.  Judge  Waddell  recognized  me,  adjourned  the  court 
and,  taking  my  arm,  walked  out  in  the  courtyard.  We  wrere 
in  full  sympathy.  He  wras  a  thorough  Union  man  and  knewr 
I  would  be  glad  to  know  the  flag  was  still  flying  over  the  Mc¬ 
Kinney  courthouse.  This  was  about  the  13th  of  March.  He 


IN  WASHINGTON 


63 


was  proud  that  I  was  to  join  the  Union  Army,  and  said  that  if 
he  was  without  a  family  he  would  also  go. 

We  arrived  at  the  town  of  California,  terminus  of  the  Mis¬ 
souri  &  Pacific  Railroad,  in  a  snowstorm.  We  had  had  but  little 
sleep  and  little  to  eat  for  several  da}^s.  While  waiting  for  the 
train  for  St.  Louis,  I  went  to  sleep  in  a  chair  so  soundly  my 
companions  could  not  waken  me  in  time  to  catch  the  train. 
The  hotel  proprietor  had  me  put  to  bed.  I  did  not  waken 
until  the  next  morning.  I  arrived  at  St.  Louis  Sunday,  found 
that  there  was  no  train  out  and,  having  a  classmate  stationed 
at  the  arsenal,  Lieutenant  Borland,  I  decided  to  visit  him. 

I  did  not  know  that  General  Lyon  had  just  captured  General 
Frost  and  the  Missouri  troops  forming  for  the  Confederacy  in 
a  camp  outside  the  city.  There  was  a  great  crowd  standing 
around  the  arsenal  with  a  sentinel  outside  the  gate.  I  pressed 
my  way  through  the  crowd  and  told  the  sentinel  I  desired  to 
visit  Lieutenant  Borland.  The  sentinel  would  not  let  me  pass, 
but  called  the  sergeant.  The  sergeant  asked  me  where  I  was 
from.  When  I  answered,  “From  Texas,”  he  said  I  could  not 
enter.  Just  then  Captain  Lyon,  later  General  Lyon,  came  out. 
In  a  rough  manner  he  asked  me  where  I  was  from  and  what 
I  wanted.  When  I  told  him  I  was  simply  passing  through  the 
city,  he  said,  “Well,  you  had  better  go  back  to  your  hotel,  or 
I  will  put  you  in  the  guard  house.”  I  took  his  advice. 

Monday,  I  left  for  Washington  via  Thorntown  and  Cincin¬ 
nati.  Telling  my  father  of  my  purpose,  he  called  a  neighbor, 
Harvey  G.  Hazelrigg.  “Well,  Anson,”  said  Hazelrigg,  “my 
brother-in-law,  Caleb  B.  Smith,  is  Secretary  of  the  Interior. 
I  will  give  you  a  letter  to  him.” 

At  Cincinnati  I  saw  Lieutenant  Jones’  father  and  mother 
and  gave  them  the  messages  he  did  not  want  to  pass  through 
the  mail;  in  effect,  that  he  would  he  loyal  to  his  country,  and 
that  if  ordered  to  fire  on  Cincinnati  by  the  Federal  Govern¬ 
ment,  under  his  oath  he  would  execute  the  order. 

In  Washington  I  found  two  captains  in  the  Adjutant  Gen¬ 
eral’s  office.  Fry  and  Baird,  one  of  whom  had  been  adjutant 


64 


FIRST  PERIOD 


at  the  military  academy,  and  the  other  my  instructor  when  I 
was  a  cadet.  I  told  them  of  my  desire  for  a  commission,  and 
asked  them  from  what  State  I  should  apply.  They  advised 
me  not  to  apply  from  Texas,  nor  from  Pennsylvania,  which 
would  have  several  times  its  quota,  as  the  Secretary  of  War 
was  from  that  State.  Eventually,  I  applied  from  New  Mexico. 

Charlie  Hazlett,  of  my  class,  from  Zanesville,  Ohio, 
later  killed  while  commanding  a  battery  at  Gettysburg, 
had  been  turned  back  to  the  class  below.  I  wrote  him,  asking 
if  he  could  help  me.  Calling  a  meeting  of  the  class,  he  read 
my  letter,  and  every  member  signed  the  following  recom¬ 
mendation,  except  four,  who  were  to  join  the  Confederacy, 
and  who  sent  an  apology  to  me,  stating  that  they  did  not  think 
it  would  be  proper  for  them  to  sign : 

United  States  Military  Academy, 

West  Point,  N.  Y., 

April  30,  1861. 

Lorenzo  Thomas,  Adjutant  General, 

Washington,  D.  C. 

Dear  Sir:  We,  the  undersigned,  members  of  the  First 
Class  at  the  United  States  Military  Academy,  respectfully 
recommend  to  your  favorable  consideration  the  claims  of 
Mr.  Anson  Mills,  an  applicant  for  a  commission  as  Second 
Lieutenant  in  the  United  States  Army. 

Mr.  Mills  was  formerly  a  member,  for  nearly  two  years, 
of  the  class  preceding  ours,  when  he  resigned. 

During  that  time  his  habits  and  character  conformed  to 
the  strictest  military  propriety  and  discipline,  and  we  feel 
assured  that  he  would  be  an  honor  to  the  service  and  that 
its  interests  would  be  promoted  by  his  appointment. 

Respectfully  submitted. 

Hazlett  suggested  I  see  General  Scott  and  prevent  the  four 
cadets  above  mentioned  from  getting  their  diplomas.  Captain 
Townsend  introduced  me  to  the  General.  When  he  read  Haz- 


65 


Captain  Charles  E.  Hazlett. 


66 


FIRST  PERIOD 


lett's  letter,  he  said  those  four  cadets  should  not  receive  their 
diplomas  until  they  had  taken  the  oath.  They  never  did  grad¬ 
uate,  and  all  four  joined  the  rebellion. 

A  few  days  afterward,  this  class  was  prematurely  gradu¬ 
ated  and  ordered  to  report  to  General  Scott.  They  started  in 
their  cadet  uniforms,  wearing  their  swords.  In  New  York  the 
police  took  them  for  Confederates,  and  in  Philadelphia  the 
whole  class  was  arrested  and  detained  all  night,  until  the 
police  got  authority  from  Washington  to  let  them  proceed. 

Upon  arrival  at  Washington,  they  reported  to  General  Scott, 
who  asked  them  if  they  had  all  recently  taken  the  oath.  They 
replied  that  they  had  and  he,  in  the  vernacular  of  the  bibulous, 
said,  “Well,  gentlemen,  it  is  a  good  thing  to  take.  I  don't  mind 
taking  it  every  morning  before  breakfast.”  He  invited  one 
of  them  to  administer  it  to  him,  and  then,  asking  them  in  a 
body  to  raise  their  right  hands,  he  administered  the  oath  to 
the  whole  class. 


67 


My  Brothers  in  Texas 

One  of  my  first  acts  in  Washington  was  to  call  on  Secretary 
of  the  Interior  Smith.  There  were  three  or  four  gentlemen 
present,  two  being  members  of  the  Cabinet,  one  of  whom  was 
Montgomery  Blair,  a  graduate  of  the  academy. 

I  presented  my  letter.  Mr.  Smith  read  it,  and  in  a  violent 
rage,  said:  “Well,  so  you  are  from  Texas?  Do  you  know 
what  I  wish?  I  wish  the  Indians  would  come  down  on  the 
people  of  Texas  and  murder  the  men,  women  and  children. 
They  have  received  more  consideration  from  this  govern¬ 
ment  than  any  other  State,  in  the  Union,  and  now  they  have 
betrayed  it.” 

I  left  the  room,  indignant,  after  addressing  some  plain 
remarks  to  Mr.  Smith. 

The  next  day  I  met  Mr.  Blair,  while  walking. 

“Mr.  Mills,”  he  said,  “for  heaven’s  sake  don’t  repeat  what 
happened  at  Mr.  Smith’s  last  night,  lest  it  get  into  the  papers. 
Don’t  be  discouraged.  Your  experience  at  West  Point  will 
doubtless  enable  you  to  get  into  the  army.” 

I  had  heard  nothing  from  my  brothers,  W.  W.  in  El  Paso, 
and  Emmett  on  the  ranch,  but  some  time  after  I  received  my 
commission  and  had  left  Washington  I  saw  in  a  New  Orleans 
paper  that  W.  W.  had  been  taken  prisoner  at  Lynde’s  surren¬ 
der,  and  that  Emmett,  in  trying  to  escape  to  California,  had 
been  murdered  by  the  Indians,  July  21st,  at  Cook  Springs, 
Arizona.  All  the  passengers  and  the  stage  driver  were  killed 
after  a  two  days’  siege  in  the  rocks  above  the  springs,  and 
their  bodies  had  been  found  by  the  California  column  of 
troops  going  to  El  Paso.  Immediately  I  wrote  to  Mr.  Smith, 
as  follows: 


< 


68 


FIRST  PERIOD 


Toledo,  Ohio, 

Oct.  7,  1861. 

Caleb  B.  Smith, 

Secretary  Interior. 

Sir:  I  am  sorry  to  acknowledge  that  your  “hope  and 
prayer,”  as  expressed  to  me  at  your  residence  in  April 
last — “that  the  Mexicans  and  Indians  would  come  down 
on  the  Texans  and  murder  the  men  and  children  and 
ravish  the  women,”  has  been  partially  heard.  One  of  my 
two  brothers  (whom  I  left  in  Texas  last  March  and  who, 
not  being  able  to  procure  means  to  carry  them  to  the 
States,  were  compelled  to  go  to  Southern  New  Mexico  for 
Union  sentiments,  where  they  joined  the  1st  Regt.  N.  M. 
Vols.),  was  brutally  murdered  by  the  Apache  Indians,  on 
the  21st  of  July  at  Cook  Springs.  The  other  was  taken 
prisoner  at  Lynde’s  surrender.  I  think  too  much  of  our 
cause  to  speak  publicly  of  these  matters  at  present,  and 
only  write  you  this  note  to  remind  you  that  I  shall  one 
day  hold  you  personally  responsible  for  the  above  lan¬ 
guage.  Very  respectfully, 

Anson  Mills,  1st  Lt.,  18th  Inf. 

To  this  I  received  the  following  answer: 

Washington,  D.  C., 
October  14,  1861. 

Lt.  Anson  Mills, 

Sir:  I  am  in  receipt  of  your  letter  of  the  7th  inst., 
referring  to  a  conversation  which  you  allege  occurred  at 
my  house  in  April  last.  I  have  no  distinct  recollection 
of  the  conversation  to  which  you  refer,  but  I  know  that  I 
felt  much  indignation  toward  the  rebels  and  traitors  of 
Texas,  who  not  only  repudiated  the  authority  of  the  Fed¬ 
eral  Government,  hut  expelled  from  the  State  the  friends 
of  the  Union.  I  thought  there  was  less  excuse  for  them 
than  the  rebels  of  the  other  States,  because  they  were  in¬ 
debted  to  the  Federal  Government  for  protection  against 


MY  BROTHERS  IN  TEXAS 


69 


the  Mexicans  and  Indians.  In  expressing  my  indigna¬ 
tion  against  their  conduct  I  may  have  expressed  the  hope 
that  the  Mexicans  and  Indians  would  attack  them.  I  in¬ 
tended  to  express  only  the  wish  that  they  might  be  made 
to  feel  the  value  of  the  protection  they  had  forfeited.  I 
certainly  did  not  suppose  that  my  language  could  be  con¬ 
strued  to  imply  a  wish  that  the  Union  men  who  had  been 
expelled  from  their  homes  by  these  rebels  should  suffer 
from  such  agencies. 

I  regret  very  much  to  hear  of  the  misfortunes  which 
have  befallen  your  brothers  and  which  add  to  the  long 
catalogue  of  evils  which  have  resulted  from  this  most 
unnatural  rebellion.  For  the  last  live  months  I  have  been 
urging  the  War  Department  to  send  troops  to  New  Mexico 
to  protect  the  loyal  people  of  that  territory  and  keep  the 
Indians  in  proper  subjugation.  If  my  urgent  request  upon 
this  subject  had  been  complied  with,  the  disaster  which 
has  befallen  your  brothers  would  not  have  occurred. 

Very  respectfully, 

Caleb  B.  Smith. 

I  learned  later  that  the  newspaper  was  incorrect  and  that 
my  brother  W.  W.  was  unlawfully  seized  by  the  Texans  in 
Mexico  as  a  spy. 

Smith  soon  afterward  left  the  Cabinet. 

I  learned  later  of  the  events  which  led  to  my  brother’s  death. 
The  Texan  Rangers,  under  the  McCulloughs  and  Colonel  Bay¬ 
lor,  were  rapidly  receiving  the  surrenders  stipulated  in  the 
treaty  between  Twiggs  and  the  Texas  commissioners.  My 
brother,  W.  W.,  much  persecuted  and  threatened,  wrote  to 
Judge  Watts  of  the  disloyalty  of  Captain  Lane  and  several 
other  officers  at  Forts  Bliss  and  Fillmore.  Then  he  went  to 
Santa  Fe  to  confer  with  Colonel  Canby,  in  command  of  the 
Department  of  New  Mexico,  to  explain  the  large  quantities  of 
government  stores  at  Fort  Bliss,  and  the  danger  that  they 
might  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  rebels.  Colonel  Canby  had 


' 


70 


FIRST  PERIOD 


already  sent  Major  Lynde  with  reinforcements  aggregating 
seven  hundred  and  fifty  men  to  Fort  Fillmore,  directing  Lynde 
to  relieve  Lane.  Canby  sent  my  brother  to  Fort  Fillmore  to 
report  to  Major  Lynde  with  dispatches. 

Lynde  was  reluctant  to  believe  many  of  his  officers  either 
disloyal  or  in  sympathy  with  those  who  were.  My  brother 
found  that  his  letter  addressed  to  Judge  Watts  had  been  made 
public  and  both  the  loyal  and  disloyal  officers  were  angry,  and 
treated  him  with  much  discourtesy. 

Baylor  had  arrived  in  El  Paso  and  received  the  surrender 
of  Colonel  Reeve’s  command,  with  all  his  stores  and  property, 
and  Reeve  and  his  troops  had  started  on  their  march  to  San 
Antonio  as  prisoners.  My  brother  urged  Lynde  to  retake  Fort 
Bliss  and  the  government  property  with  his  seven  hundred 
and  fifty  men,  as  Baylor  was  reported  to  have  only  three  hun¬ 
dred  men,  poorly  armed  and  equipped.  Lynde  hesitated,  fear¬ 
ing  Baylor’s  force  was  too  large,  but  promised  my  brother  if 
he  would  go  down  to  Paso  del  Norte  on  the  Mexican  side  of 
the  river  and  ascertain  positively  that  the  strength  of  Baylor’s 
command  was  no  larger  than  three  hundred  men,  he  would 
retake  the  place. 

My  brother  traveled  forty  miles  to  Paso  del  Norte  in  Mexico 
at  night,  where  a  mounted  force  from  Baylor’s  command 
arrested  him  in  this  neutral  territory.  Charged  with  being  a 
spy,  he  was  placed  in  irons  in  the  Bliss  guard  house  and  a 
court  was  being  organized  for  his  trial  and  execution.  Hear¬ 
ing  of  his  arrest,  Canby  arrested  General  Pelham,  U.  S.  Sur¬ 
veyor  General  of  New  Mexico,  who  had  resigned  and  was 
proceeding  to  join  the  rebels.  Canby  then  sent  a  flag  of  truce 
to  Baylor,  stating  that  he  would  execute  Pelham  on  the  exe¬ 
cution  of  my  brother.  Baylor  removed  the  irons  from  my 
brother,  gave  him  the  liberty  of  the  post,  and  he  finally 
escaped  and  joined  Canby,  who  was  marching  with  troops 
from  New  Mexico  toward  El  Paso.  He  was  made  lieutenant 
in  the  New  Mexican  Volunteers,  and  appointed  on  Colonel 
Roberts’  staff. 


MY  BROTHERS  IN  TEXAS 


71 


Meanwhile,  Baylor,  with  less  than  three  hundred  poorly 
equipped  Texans,  had  moved  on  Lynde’s  seven  hundred  and 
fifty  regulars,  but  such  was  their  demoralization  that  these 
Texans  captured  bodily  every  man  and  all  the  supplies  during 
Lynde’s  attempt  to  escape  into  New  Mexico. 

General  Sibley  organized  a  force  of  about  thirty-five  hun¬ 
dred  Texans,  to  take  the  Territory  of  New  Mexico,  and  rein¬ 
forced  Baylor,  to  march  on  Fort  Craig.  Canby  organized  two 
New  Mexican  regiments,  one  under  Kit  Carson,  and  moved  to 
support  Colonel  Roberts,  arriving  just  before  the  Confeder¬ 
ates.  Canby  had  one  thousand  regulars  and  about  twenty- 
five  hundred  New  Mexican  volunteers,  so  the  commands  were 
nearly  equal.  Crossing  the  almost  impassable  mountains, 
Sibley  appeared  at  Yal  Verde,  six  miles  above  Fort  Craig,  to 
engage  in  what  was,  perhaps,  the  bloodiest  battle  for  the  num¬ 
bers  engaged,  in  the  whole  war.  Neither  side  was  victorious, 
but  Canby  was  compelled  to  retire  to  Fort  Craig,  and  Sibley 
passed  on  and  overran  the  whole  Territory  of  New  Mexico, 
even  taking  Santa  Fe,  but  he  was  cut  off  from  any  Confed¬ 
erate  supplies. 

Colorado  raised  two  regiments  of  volunteers,  which  moved 
on  Sibley  and  drove  him  south,  where  Canby  met  him.  Of 
the  four  thousand  Confederate  troops  that  had  entered  New 
Mexico,  only  about  fifteen  hundred  reached  Texas.  El  Paso 
was  reoccupied,  and  my  brother  made  collector  of  customs. 
Another  brother,  Allen,  eighteen  years  old,  anxious  to  partici¬ 
pate  in  the  allurements  of  the  Western  country,  asked  me  to 
send  him  to  my  brother,  W.  W.,  who  had  promised  to  make 
him  deputy  collector,  which  I  did  by  a  supply  train  from 
Kansas  City  for  Santa  Fe. 

Meanwhile,  my  brother  Emmett,  hearing  of  W,  W.’s  arrest 
and  proposed  trial  as  a  spy,  endeavored  to  escape  to  Califor¬ 
nia  by  taking  passage  on  the  Overland  Mail,  where  he  met  his 
death. 

On  February  8,  1869,  while  in  Austin  as  a  member  of  the 
constitutional  convention  for  reconstruction  from  El  Paso, 


72 


FIRST  PERIOD 


W.  W.  married  Mary,  daughter  of  Governor  A.  J.  Hamilton. 
In  his  El  Paso  home  she  shared  as  loyally  as  any  wife  ever  did 
in  all  his  misfortunes  and  successes,  his  joys  and  sorrow's. 

In  1897  W.  W.  w'as  appointed  United  States  Consul  at  Chi¬ 
huahua,  Mexico,  where  w'e  often  visited.  He  w'orked  there 
ten  years,  relieving  unfortunate  Americans  who,  by  reason  of 
ignorance  of  conditions  in  Mexico,  got  themselves  into  diffi¬ 
culties.  The  City  of  Chihuahua  w'as  unfortunately  the  ren¬ 
dezvous  and  refuge  for  felonious,  law-breaking  Americans, 
who  could  no  longer  live  in  their  native  land,  and  sought 
Mexico,  believing  they  could  defy  the  law's  of  that  country. 
Popular  report  stamped  Mexicans  as  lawless,  with  a  govern¬ 
ment  not  stable  enough  to  punish  them.  Such  conditions  made 
my  brother’s  position  a  difficult  one,  as  the  follow'ing  will 
show : 

Three  New  Yorkers,  including  a  physician  and  an  insurance 
agent,  entered  into  a  conspiracy  to  establish  themselves  in 
Chihuahua  to  insure  unsuspecting  Americans  for  $20,000  each, 
murder  them  and  collect  the  money.  The  plan,  wdiich  was 
practically  carried  out,  w'as  this:  The  insurance  agent  ap¬ 
proached  eligible  Americans  residing  in  Chihuahua,  solicited 
insurance,  offering  very  low  terms,  and  stating  that  the  pro¬ 
posed  victim,  living  in  a  lawless  country  w'here  he  was  likely 
to  be  killed  and  where  whatever  he  had  w'ould  be  absorbed 
by  Mexican  officials,  should  insure  for  the  benefit  of  those 
dependent  up6n  him.  Having  written  the  insurance,  he  would 
tell  his  victim,  “Now'  my  company  is  interested  in  your  life. 
They  direct  me  to  admonish  you  not  to  patronize  Mexican 
physicians,  as  they  are  unskilled.  They  authorized  me  to 
recommend  to  you  Dr.  — .”  The  doctor  then  recom¬ 
mended  the  victim  to  appoint  an  American  administrator  to 
see  that  his  estate  w'ould  be  kept  out  of  the  hands  of  Mexican 
officials.  He  would  recommend  the  third  member  of  the  gang. 

In  three  cases  the  victim  took  the  whole  of  the  advice,  ap¬ 
pointed  the  gang  member  his  administrator,  and  called  upon 
the  criminal  doctor  w  hen  ill.  The  doctor  promptly  killed  him 


MY  BROTHERS  IN  TEXAS 


73 


with  poison,  the  administrator  took  possession  of  his  body, 
collected  the  money  from  the  company,  and  divided  it  among 
the  three  conspirators. 

They  had  collected  $20,000  each,  for  two  victims,  when  the 
insurance  company  sent  a  detective  to  investigate.  He  fixed 
the  murder  on  the  doctor  and  discovered  the  other  criminals. 
They  were  arrested  by  the  Mexican  authorities,  fairly  tried — - 
W.  W.  being  present  at  the  trial — and  sentenced  to  be  shot. 

A  great  clamor  was  raised  in  the  American  newspapers 
about  the  cruel  and  barbarous  conviction  of  innocent  men  by 
Mexican  law.  A  member  of  Congress,  tbe  lawyer  employed 
by  the  men,  and  the  relatives  of  each  of  the  condemned  came 
to  my  brother  with  tears  and  pleadings,  demanding  that  he 
intercede  with  the  State  Department  for  their  relief.  W.  W. 
also  received  instructions  from  the  State  Department  to  make 
a  thorough  examination  and  report.  He  was  unable  to  find 
any  palliating  circumstances,  and  reported  through  Ambas¬ 
sador  Clayton  his  belief  that  the  Mexican  judgment  was  just. 
The  Secretary  of  State  sustained  my  brother,  but  the  member 
of  Congress,  the  lawyer,  friends  and  relatives  of  the  con¬ 
demned,  besieged  the  great  President  Diaz  with  pathetic 
appeals  and  tears,  and,  in  the  goodness  of  his  heart,  Diaz 
commuted  the  sentence  to  imprisonment  for  life. 

When  General  Villa  captured  Chihuahua,  the  convicts  were 
released  from  the  penitentiary.  The  murderers  were  among 
the  number,  and  Villa  appointed  the  doctor  as  a  commis¬ 
sioned  medical  officer  on  his  staff. 

W.  W.  filled  his  position  honorably  and  well  for  ten  years, 
when  ill  health  compelled  him  to  retire.  In  accepting  his 
resignation,  the  State  Department  gave  him  a  very  compli¬ 
mentary  letter.  He  returned  to  Austin,  where  his  wife  still 
lives,  and,  after  a  lingering  illness,  died  there  on  February 
10,  1913. 

W.  W.  lived  in  El  Paso  two  score  of  years,  and  in  1901 
published  a  book  entitled  “Forty  Years  in  El  Paso.” 


74 


FIRST  PERIOD 


AFTERTHOUGHT: — Last  page  in  \V.  W.’s  book. 

“ENEMIES  AND  PHILOSOPHY 

“In  the  summer  of  1900  my  brother,  General  Mills,  and  a  sister  paid  Mrs. 
Mills  and  myself  a  visit  at  the  LTnited  States  Consulate  at  Chihuahua.  One 
evening  he,  being  in  a  reflective  mood,  said,  ‘Will,  you  and  I  have  had  many 
difficulties,  and  quarrels  and  fights  with  our  personal  enemies,  and  it  is  very 
gratifying  to  know,  as  I  am  growing  old,  that  these  are  all  over  with  me.  My 
enemies  are  all  reconciled  to  me,  and  I  wish  you  could  sav  as  much.’ 

“I  replied:  ‘I  do  not  know  that  my  enemies  are  all  reconciled  to  me,  but 
they  are  all  dead,  and  that  is  better,  or  at  least  safer.’  And  it  is  the  literal 
truth.  All  my  bitterest  foes  have  been  taken  hence,  most  of  them  by  violence, 
and  I  neither  rejoice  at  nor  regret  their  taking  off.  I  do  not  claim  that  I  was 
always  right  and  they  always  wrong,  for  I  tried  to  return  blow  for  blow,  but  it 
is  certain  that  they  often  resorted  to  means  which  I  would,  under  no  circum¬ 
stances,  employ.  Alas,  most  of  my  friends  are  gone  also.  Why  I  have  been 
spared  through  it  all  is  a  mystery  which  I  do  not  attempt  to  explain. 

ADIOS.” 

Tablets  obverse  and  reverse  affixed  to  the  Mills’  Memorial  Shaft 
in  Carnegie  Square,  El  Paso,  Texas;  erected  Sept.  20,  1920. 

TO  THE  MEMORY  OF 

NINE  OF  PRIMITIVE  EL  PASO’S  PATRIOTIC  HEROES 

EMMETT  MILLS 

Aged  19 

FREEMAN  THOMAS  JOE  POACHER 

M.  CHAMPION  JOHN  PONTEL 

BOB  AVLIN  JOHN  WILSON 

WHO  IN  JULY,  1 861,  WERE  LOYAL  CITIZENS  OF 
EL  PASO,  TEXAS,  AND  LOYAL  EMPLOYEES  OF 
THE  BUTTERFIELD  OVERLAND  MAIL  CO. 

WF1EN  ALI.  FEDERAL  TROOPS  IN  TEXAS  HAD  BEEN  SUR¬ 
RENDERED  BY  GENERAL  TWIGGS  TO  THE  CONFEDERACY, 
WHEN  THE  WAR  DEPARTMENT  HAD  WITHDRAWN  ALL  THE 
FEDERAL  TROOPS  FROM  WEST  OF  THE  RIO  GRANDE  IN 


MILLS  MEMORIAL  SHAFT 


1  ■) 

ARIZONA,  NOW  NEW  MEXICO,  AND  WHEN  MAJOR  LYNDE 
AND  OTHER  FEDERAL  COMMANDERS  HAD  DETERMINED 
i  TO  SURRENDER  THEIR  TROOPS  TO  THE  CONFEDERACY, 
i  THESE  SEVEN  PATRIOTS  COURAGEOUSLY  REMOVED  MOST 
OF  THEIR  COMPANY’S  PROPERTY  FROM  TEXAS, 

1  AND  ON  JULY  20,  1861,  THEY  SEIZED  ONE  OF  THE  STAGES 
!  AT  EL  PASO,  INTENDING  TO  JOIN  THE  CALIFORNIA  COL-. 

UMN  AND  RETURN  WITH  IT.  IN  ORDER  TO  SAVE  EL  PASO 
;  TO  THE  UNION  AND  RESTORE  THE  MAIL  COMPANY’S  PROP¬ 
ERTY  TO  ITS  OWNERS. 

THE  NEXT  DAY  THEY  WERE  INTERCEPTED  AT  COOK’S 
«  SPRINGS.  NEAR  DEMING,  BY  A  LARGE  FORCE  OF  HOSTILE 
1  INDIANS  UNDER  CHIEF  MANGAS  C'OLORADAS.  HASTILY 
BUILDING  A  SMALL  FORT  OF  STONE  THEY  DEFENDED 
THEMSELVES  UNTIL  THE  NIGHT  OF  THE  SECOND  DAY. 

(  TWO  WEEKS  LATER  THEIR  MUTILATED  BODIES  WERE  DIS¬ 
COVERED,  WITH  A  NOTE  UNDER  A  STONE  STATING  THAT 
ON  JULY  23rd  ALL  HAD  BEEN  KILLED,  SAVE  TWO.  WHO 
PLANNED  THEIR  ESCAPE  THAT  NIGHT.  LATER  THEY, 
TOO,  HAD  FALLEN  WITH  THEIR  COMRADES. 

THE  PERILOUS  SITUATION  AND  HEROIC  DEFENSE  OF  THESE  HEROES 
ARE  DESCRIBED  FULLY  IN  VOLUME  IV,  RECORDS  OF  THE  REBEL¬ 
LION,  AND  IN  CORRESPONDENCE  IN  THE  EL  PASO  PUBLIC  LIBRARY 


COLONEL  W.  R.  SCURRY 

FOURTH  TEXAN  CAVALRY 
AND 

COLONEL  P.  T.  HERBERT 

SEVENTH  TEXAN  CAVALRY 

WHO  WERE  CALLED  INTO  THE  SERVICE  OF  THE  STATE. 
BY  ITS  GOVERNOR,  IN  1861.  BOTH  OBEYED  THE  CALL 
WHEN  THEIR  STATE  WAS  PRACTICALLY  AT  WAR  WITH 
THE  FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT.  AND  HEROICALLY  PER¬ 
FORMED  ALL  THE  DUTIES  REQUIRED  OF  THEM,  UNTIL 
THEIR  REGIMENTS  WERE  ENGAGED  IN  THE  BATTLES 
OF  JENKIN’S  FERRY,  ARK.,  APRIL  30.  1864,  AND  MANS¬ 
FIELD,  LA.,  APRIL  8,  1864,  RESPECTIVELY;  WHERE  THEY 
GAVE  “THE  LAST  FULL  MEASURE  OF  DEVOTION”  BY  LAY¬ 
ING  DOWN  THEIR  LIVES  FOR  THAT  WHICFI,  FROM  THEIR 
VIEWPOINT,  WAS  A  RIGHTEOUS  CAUSE. 


AUTHORIZED  BY  THE  MAYOR  AND  CITY  COUNCIL  TO  BE  ERECTED 
BY  THEIR  MUTUAL  TOWNSMAN  AND  FRIEND,  ANSON  MILLS 


76 


SECOND  PERIOD 

Four  Years  of  Civil  War 

Before  any  Federal  troops  arrived  in  Washington,  Cassius 
M.  Clay,  of  Kentucky,  organized  the  “Clay  Guards,”  composed 
of  150  Southern  Union  men  who,  like  myself,  were  in  Wash¬ 
ington  awaiting  appointments.  I  joined  this  organization, 
became  a  sergeant,  and  was  discharged  as  such.  The  govern¬ 
ment  furnished  us  an  armory,  arms  and  ammunition,  in 
Willard’s  Hall,  where  the  New  Willard  Hotel  now  stands. 
Detachments  slept  at  the  Navy  Yard,  where  attacks  were 
expected  from  Alexandria,  Virginia,  and  in  the  White  House, 
as  it  was  feared  the  President  might  be  assassinated. 

My  commission  was  dated  May  14,  1861,  but  confusion  in 
the  War  Department  prevented  early  delivery  of  all  appoint¬ 
ments.  I  had  little  money  and,  although  I  lived  in  a  cheap 
room  in  a  mechanics’  boarding  house  in  the  poorer  part  of 
the  city,  and  economized  in  every  way,  my  clothing  was 
shabby  and  I  was  indebted  to  the  landlord.  Every  morning  I 
went  to  the  War  Department,  hoping  for  my  appointment, 
but  without  success. 

One  morning,  in  the  Assistant  Adjutant  General’s  office,  I 
saw  my  appointment  lying  with  hundreds  of  others  on  a  big 
table.  I  pointed  it  out  to  Captain  Garesche,  and  asked  him 
for  it.  He  said  the  Secretary  had  ordered  all  appointments 
to  be  sent  to  the  appointee’s  postoffice  address,  and  added 
that  he  had  been  severely  reprimanded  because  he  had  deliv¬ 
ered  to  one  man  an  appointment  intended  for  another  of  the 
same  name.  As  I  knew  I  would  never  receive  the  appointment 
if  it  was  mailed  to  El  Paso,  I  was  discouraged.  But  when  I 
told  Public  Printer  Sol  Meredith,  who  was  from  Indiana  and 
knew  my  father,  the  situation,  he  explained  the  circumstances 
to  Mr.  Cameron,  and  on  June  22  I  received  my  appointment 
as  first  lieutenant  of  the  18th  Infantry,  one  of  the  nine  new 
regiments  of  twenty-four  companies  each  then  being  formed. 


FOUR  YEARS  OF  CIVIL  WAR 


77 


I  was  directed  to  report  to  its  Colonel,  Henry  B.  Carrington, 
at  headquarters,  Columbus,  Ohio. 

Still  without  money,  I  went  to  the  paymaster,  hoping  to 
receive  the  money  necessary  to  pay  traveling  expenses  and  get 
a  uniform.  The  paymaster  refused  to  pay  me  until  the  end 
of  the  month  and,  finally,  in  my  dilemma,  I  went  to  a  friend 
and  borrowed  enough  to  carry  me  to  Columbus  and  buy  a 
i  uniform. 

Before  leaving.  Judge  John  S.  Watts,  delegate  from  New 
Mexico,  and  I  recommended  my  brother  W.  W.  to  the  Secre¬ 
tary  of  the  Treasury  for  collector  of  customs  at  El  Paso,  and 
to  the  Adjutant  General  my  brother  Emmett  for  the  appoint¬ 
ment  to  West  Point  from  New  Mexico. 

I  reported  to  Colonel  Carrington  in  Columbus  on  June  25th. 
Although  adjutant  general  of  Ohio  under  Governor  Chase,  he 
knew  less  about  army  matters  than  I.  But  he  assumed  a  great 
deal,  and  told  me  he  was  going  to  have  the  best  regiment  in 
the  army,  and  that  no  man  who  drank  could  remain  in  it. 

A  mile  and  a  half  from  the  city  was  a  camp  of  instruction, 
“Camp  Thomas.”  Most  officers  reporting  were  instructed 
under  Captain  Kellogg,  a  former  artillery  officer;  hut  I  was 
detailed  on  recruiting  service  at  Toledo,  Ohio.  On  July  19th 
I  opened  an  office  there,  where  I  became  one  of  the  most  suc¬ 
cessful  recruiting  officers  in  the  regiment.  On  August  12th, 
telegraphic  instructions  came  from  Washington  to  muster  in 
Colonel  Gibson’s  49th  regiment  of  Ohio  Volunteers  at  Tiffin, 
Ohio.  For  perhaps  a  month,  I  kept  both  offices  open,  travel¬ 
ing  hack  and  forth. 

I  used  the  fair  grounds  at  Tiffin  for  the  organizing  of  the 
regiment.  Generally  the  man  who  brought  the  men  to  camp 
was  made  captain,  although  orders  required  that  men  suffi¬ 
cient  to  form  a  company  he  locked  in  a  room  to  elect  their 
own  officers.  When  elected,  I  swore  in  the  officers. 

When  four  companies  were  sworn  in  they  elected  a  major; 
eight  companies  elected  a  lieutenant  colonel;  and  ten  were 
authorized  to  elect  a  colonel,  adjutant  and  quartermaster. 


78 


SECOND  PERIOD 


The  regiment  was  formed,  equipped  with  arms,  uniforms, 
tents  and  other  paraphernalia,  and  aboard  trains  which  started 
from  the  fairgrounds  in  less  than  thirty  days.  Twenty  thou¬ 
sand  relatives  and  friends  watched  the  regiment  depart  and 
heard  Colonel  Gibson  address  the  multitude.  A  Democrat, 
and  former  treasurer  of  his  State,  he  was  well  known  as  a  most 
eloquent  speaker.  His  audience  was  in  tears  before  the  signal 
to  start,  but  cheered  with  excitement  and  enthusiasm  when 
he  threw  his  hat  high  in  the  air  over  the  crowd.  His  was  one 
of  the  first  regiments  to  go  in  the  Western  army  under  Gen¬ 
eral  Grant,  and  did  able  service,  Gibson  becoming  a  general. 

Of  the  new  regular  regiments  the  18th  Infantry  was  one  of 
the  first  organized.  It  had  three  battalions  of  eight  companies 
each  under  Majors  Townsend,  Stokes  and  Caldwell. 

President  Lincoln  had  directed  the  issuance  of  General 
Order  No.  101,  as  follows: 

“War  Department,  Adjutant  General’s  Office, 

Washington,  November  20,  1861. 

General  Orders  No.  101. 

“The  intention  of  the  Government,  in  reserving  the  original  vacancies 
of  Second  Lieutenants  for  the  most  deserving  among  the  non-commissioned 
officers  of  the  new  regular  regiments,  was  twofold:  to  secure  the  services 
of  brave,  intelligent  and  energetic  officers,  by  appointing  only  those  who 
had  fully  proved  themselves  to  be  such,  after  a  fair  competition  with  all 
who  chose  to  enter  the  lists  against  them,  and  to  give  to  the  young  men 
of  the  country — those  especially  who  were  poor,  unknown,  and  without 
any  social  or  political  influence — an  equal  opportunity  with  the  most 
favored.  In  General  Orders  No.  10  of  May  4,  1801,  this  intention  was 
publicly  announced.  It  is  now  reaffirmed,  and  commanding  officers  of 
the  new  regiments  will  see  that  it  is  carried  out  in  good  faith. 

By  order, 

I..  Thomas,  Adjutant-General.” 

This  enabled  Colonel  Carrington,  an  able  recruiting  officer, 
to  enlist  as  privates  many  college  students  and  other  young 
men  of  high  standing  and  education.  Probably  fifty  of  these 
were  eventually  commissioned. 

With  sixteen  companies  equipped.  Lieutenant  Colonel  Oliver 
L.  Shepherd  reported  to  Colonel  Carrington  for  duty  in  the 


FOUR  YEARS  OF  CIVIL  WAR 


79 


field.  Because  of  my  success  in  securing  enlistments,  I  was 
kept  on  recruiting  service,  but  op  February  23,  1862,  I  was 
ordered  to  proceed  to  Louisville,  Kentucky,  with  thirty  men, 
to  join  the  regiment  then  en  route  from  West  Virginia  to  the 
Army  of  the  Cumberland  at  Nashville. 

I  was  too  late  to  join  Shepherd’s  sixteen  companies,  and  was 
assigned  to  a  river  vessel  filled  with  various  troops,  largely 
volunteers,  including  Captain  Mack  of  the  regular  infantry, 
temporarily  commanding  a  regular  battery.  A  drunken  man 
reported  to  me  he  had  been  left  by  Shepherd’s  command,  and 
asked  to  join  mine.  He  reported  to  my  sergeant,  D’Isay,  and 
asked  for  food,  but  boasted  that  all  he  wanted  was  something 
to  eat  and  that  he  was  going  to  leave.  When  he  started  down 
the  gang  plank,  one  of  the  men  and  I  caught  him,  had  a  fight 
in  which  I  hurt  my  hand  so  I  had  to  wear  it  in  a  sling,  tore 
practically  all  the  clothing  off  the  deserter,  but  we  brought 
him  aboard.  Soon  afterward,  the  first  sergeant  of  Mack’s 
artillery  told  me  that  Captain  Mack  wished  to  see  me.  I 
reported  to  Captain  Mack,  who  asked  me  if  I  knew  who  was 
in  command  of  the  vessel.  I  said  I  did  not,  and  he  said,  “No 
more  do  I,  but,  as  I  am  a  captain  in  the  regular  army  and  you 
are  a  lieutenant,  suppose  we  consider  that  I  am  in  command. 
I  saw  your  encounter  with  that  drunken  soldier  and,  as  we 
i  are  probably  going  to  have  a  great  deal  of  disorder  in  this 
!  mixed  command  on  this  trip  to  Nashville,  I  think  you  are  a 
proper  person  to  act  as  officer  of  the  day  for  today.  There  is 
no  time  for  a  regular  guard  mount,  but  you  assume  the  duties 
and,  as  you  are  having  some  considerable  trouble  with  that 
drunken  man,  my  sergeant  will  report  to  you  and  take  care 
of  the  disorderly.”  The  sergeant  tied  his  hands,  and  trussed 
his  knees  with  a  stick,  gagged  him  with  a  bayonet  and  sat  him 
in  a  state  room,  satisfied  he  would  stop  swearing  and  abusing 
the  officers!  The  man  soon  begged  for  relief,  but  was  tried 
by  court  martial  and  sentenced  to  be  shot  for  striking  an  officer, 
which  sentence  was  later  commuted  by  General  Thomas. 

Subsequently  1  carried  Captain  Mack  off  the  battle-field  of 


80 


SECOND  PERIOD 


Stone  River,  desperately  wounded.  I  saw  him  next  at  the 
War  Department  in  Washington  in  1870,  assistant  to  the  Sec¬ 
retary  of  War,  and  he  arranged  my  transfer  from  infantry  to 
cavalry. 

I  reported  to  Colonel  Fry,  adjutant  to  General  Buell,  at 
Louisville,  and  was  directed  to  take  my  thirty  men  to  Majo  ' 
Stokes,  commanding  the  3d  battalion  of  three  companies, 
18th  Infantry,  near  Nashville.  Major  Stokes  made  me  adju¬ 
tant.  He  was  a  military  novice,  too  old  to  learn,  and  soon 
failed  of  confirmation  hy  the  Senate. 

The  three  companies  were  temporarily  consolidated  with 
the  other  two  battalions  and  Colonel  Shepherd  made  me  adju¬ 
tant  of  the  regiment  in  the  field. 

When  “Parson”  William  G.  Bronlow,  the  courageous  and 
persistent  leader  of  the  Union  men  of  East  Tennessee,  arrived 
at  the  St.  Cloud  Hotel,  under  flag  of  truce  from  Knoxville, 
escorted  by  an  officer  of  the  Confederate  army,  many  of  our 
officers  wished  to  pay  their  respects.  Twenty  officers  requested 
me,  as  adjutant,  to  introduce  them.  Admitted  to  his  hotel,  I 
greeted  him  and  introduced  my  companions.  He  introduced 
the  young  Confederate  officer  with  the  remark,  “This  young 
man  is  my  nephew,  a  man  with  good  intentions,  but  sadly 
misguided.” 

Each  spoke  a  few  words  with  the  Parson,  a  nervous,  sym¬ 
pathetic  and  passionate  man.  Just  before  we  left  he  ex¬ 
claimed:  “Gentlemen,  you  are  right.  Fight  ’em,  fight  ’em, 
fight  ’em  till  hell  freezes  over,  and  then  fight  ’em  on  the  ice!” 
A  strange  speech  for  a  parson,  perhaps,  but  illustrating  the 
intense  bitterness  the  war  instilled  in  all. 

Buell’s  command  was  ordered  to  proceed  by  forced  marches 
to  Shiloh  to  reinforce  Grant,  about  to  give  battle  to  the  Con¬ 
federate  General  Johnson,  and  on  April  6,  1862,  my  regiment, 
the  18th  U.  S.  Infantry  (two  battalions,  nineteen  companies), 
as  a  part  of  the  Third  Brigade,  First  Division,  Army  of  the 
Ohio,  marched  all  day  in  the  rain  toward  the  sound  of  the 
cannon  at  the  battle  then  raging  at  Shiloh  Church. 


FOUR  YEARS  OF  CIVIL  WAR 


81 


We  arrived  at  Savannah  late  at  night,  eighteen  miles  above 
the  battle-ground.  The  rain  made  the  roads  on  the  left  bank 
of  the  river  almost  impassable,  and  it  was  decided  to  send  us 
on  by  steamer.  It  was,  however,  nine  or  ten  o’clock  in  the 
morning  before  a  boat  could  be  furnished,  so  we  did  not  arrive 

Pittsburg  Landing  until  about  two  p.m.  of  that  day,  when 
the  battle  was  almost  over. 

As  we  approached  the  landing,  Colonel  Shepherd  ordered 
Lieutenant  D.  W.  Benham,  the  quartermaster,  and  me,  to  pro¬ 
ceed  inland  to  find  someone  authorized  to  place  us  in  proper 
position.  A  few  hundred  yards  away  we  found  most  of  the 
generals  in  consultation.  General  Buell  designated  our  posi¬ 
tion  and  we  returned  to  deliver  General  Buell’s  instructions. 

Here  the  regiment  saw  its  first  horrors  of  war.  Many 
wounded  were  carried  to  the  numerous  hospital  boats  tied  up 
at  the  landing.  In  a  cave  under  the  Bluffs  Benham  and  I  saw 
a  large  number  of  ghastly  corpses,  stained  with  blood,  laid 
on  the  leaves.  Suddenly  Benham  exclaimed,  “My  God,  Mills, 
there’s  a  man  who’s  not  dead!  See,  his  face  is  red,  and  I  can 
see  his  chest  heave.  What  a  cruel  thing  to  turn  him  out  for 
dead!” 

Feeling  his  pulse,  Benham  exclaimed,  “This  man  is  alive!” 
raised  his  head  to  help  him,  when  he  smelled  the  fumes  of 
whiskey.  Evidently  the  man  had  drunk  during  the  battle, 
been  overcome,  and,  seeing  what  he  supposed  were  fellow 
soldiers  asleep,  had  concluded  to  turn  in. 

It  is  needless  to  say  that  both  Benham  and  I  lost  our  interest 
in  the  “poor  fellow”  and  left  him  to  sleep  off  his  drunk. 

In  the  meantime,  Shepherd  placed  his  men  in  the  front  line, 
but  we  saw  little  fighting,  as  the  Confederates  abandoned  the 
field  after  Johnson  was  killed.  Later  we  confronted  them  at 
Corinth,  and  Beauregard,  who  had  succeeded  Johnson,  retired 
without  giving  battle  in  the  direction  of  Nashville,  which  the 
Federals  had  practically  abandoned.  It  then  became  a  race 
between  Buell  and  Beauregard  as  to  who  should  first  assemble 
an  army  at  Nashville. 


82 


SECOND  PERIOD 


i uka,  with  many  public  buildings,  was  selected  as  the  hos¬ 
pital  base  for  the  wounded  and  sick.  The  18th  Infantry,  as 
the  largest  regiment  of  regulars,  was  ordered  to  guard  the 
hospital. 

Shepherd  selected  a  camp  site  in  a  dense  forest,  which 
added  to  our  comfort  in  the  heat  of  May.  It  was  here  I  became 
known  as  the  best  shot  in  the  regiment.  One  day,  when  we 
were  all  trying  to  rest  and  sleep,  somebody  called  out,  “See 
that  squirrel !”  pointing  to  where  the  little  animal  was  eating 
buds  in  the  top  of  an  oak  tree.  He  was  perhaps  one  hundred 
and  fifty  feet  from  me,  but  I  was  satisfied  I  could  kill  him. 
Many  soldiers  and  officers  looking  on,  I  raised  my  pistol,  fired, 
the  squirrel  fell  to  the  ground,  shot  through  the  head;  a  better 
shot  than  I  had  intended.  This,  together  with  the  fact  that 
I  was  from  Texas,  gave  me  a  better  reputation  as  a  crack  shot 
than  I  deserved. 

We  remained  in  camp  several  weeks,  but  as  soon  as  most 
of  the  invalids  recovered,  we  were  ordered  to  join  the  Army 
of  the  Cumberland. 

En  route,  we  came  one  day  near  a  little  town  in  Tennessee. 
As  usual,  the  soldiers  were  given  to  pillage,  and  here  they 
raided  a  Masonic  lodge,  which  enraged  Shepherd,  who  was  a 
Mason.  One  soldier  brought  a  letter,  written  by  a  doctor, 
advising  the  neighbors  to  poison  wells  and  kill  the  Yankee 
invaders.  Shepherd  ordered  me  to  arrest  this  doctor  and 
bring  him  to  camp.  We  readily  found  his  house,  and,  calling 
him  out,  found  he  had  a  wooden  leg.  He  admitted  writing 
the  letter.  Colonel  Shepherd  ordered  him  before  a  sentinel 
and  made  him  march,  in  the  extreme  hot  weather,  during  the 
sentinel's  tour.  Shepherd  reported  the  case  to  General 
Thomas,  but  the  man  was  liberated  without  trial. 

Colonel,  afterwards  General  Bob  McCook,  was  in  command 
of  our  brigade,  consisting  of  the  2d  Minnesota,  the  9th  Ohio, 
almost  exclusively  German  (McCook’s  regiment),  and  our 
own.  McCook  was  a  most  excellent  officer  and,  although  seri¬ 
ously  ill,  insisted  on  retaining  command,  traveling  in  an  am- 


FOUR  YEARS  OF  CIVIL  WAR 


83 


balance,  and  caring  for  his  brigade.  On  August  4,  1862,  he 
rode  forward,  as  was  bis  custom,  with  a  small  guard,  to  select 
camps  for  each  of  the  regiments.  Near  Decherd,  Tennessee,  a 
guerrilla  band  of  thirty  or  forty  men,  commanded  by  Frank 
B.  Gurley,  ordered  McCook  to  surrender.  Upon  his  refusal, 
they  shot  him  in  the  stomach,  and  he  died  in  great  agony  that 
night.  The  guerrillas  carried  off  two  of  his  staff  officers.  He 
had  a  father  and  three  brothers  killed  in  battle  during  the 
war. 

The  9th  Ohio  became  infuriated  and  burned  all  the  houses 
in  the  vicinity  and  killed  many  citizens.  Gurley,  the  leader  of 
the  guerrilla  band,  was  afterwards  arrested,  identified  by  the 
i staff  officers  who  had  escaped,  tried  by  court  martial,  and 
sentenced  to  be  hanged,  but  later  released,  G.  C.  M.  order  104, 
War  Department. 

After  McCook’s  death,  the  regiment  joined  the  army  under 
Buell  at  Nashville,  which  the  Confederates  failed  to  reach 
before  it  was  too  strong  to  capture.  Then  began  the  race 
between  Buell  and  Bragg,  in  command  of  the  Confederates, 
from  Nashville  to  Louisville.  1  am  not  writing  a  history  of 
the  war,  so  I  shall  say  nothing  of  this  extraordinary  march 
which  ended  with  our  reaching  Louisville  twenty-four  hours 
ahead  of  the  enemy,  with  the  exception  of  a  little  incident  at 
Franklin,  Kentucky. 

My  regiment  was  rear  guard  to  this  great  army,  taking  care 
that  the  sick  and  exhausted  should  not  fall  into  the  hands  of 
the  enemy.  Colonel  Shepherd  was  instructed  to  impress  trans¬ 
portation  sufficient  to  care  for  all  helpless  men.  I  was  ordered, 
'  with  Quartermaster  Benham,  to  seize  such  transportation  as 
was  necessary.  The  Confederate  cavalry7  were  harassing  us 
flank  and  rear  and,  on  arriving  at  Franklin,  we  were  so  hard 
pressed  we  feared  we  would  lose  a  great  many  of  our  sick. 

A  friend  reported  an  excellent  ambulance  and  four  mules 
on  the  outskirts  of  the  town  in  possession  of  the  wife  of  a 
Confederate.  Going  with  two  soldiers  to  seize  it.  we  found  the 
i nouse  doors  locked,  the  blinds  down,  and  got  no  response  to 


84 


SECOND  PERIOD 


our  knocks.  We  directed  the  two  men  to  search  the  barn  and, 
if  they  found  the  conveyance,  to  wheel  it  out  and  attach  the 
mules.  They  found  the  vehicle,  wheeled  it  into  the  road,  and 
returned  to  harness  the  mules,  only  to  find  that  someone  had 
cut  the  traces.  While  we  were  deliberating  how  to  get  the 
vehicle  away  with  the  ruined  harness,  the  blinds  flew  open, 
an  infuriated  woman  thrust  her  head  through  the  open  win¬ 
dow  and  angrily  exclaimed,  “You  miserable  Yankees;  get  out 
of  this!  Don’t  you  hear  those  guns?” 

We  did  hear  them,  for  our  rear  guard  was  engaged  with  the 
Confederate  cavalry.  Seeing  the  hopelessness  of  the  situation, 
I  called  to  an  old  colored  man  chopping  wood  in  the  yard, 
“Boy,  throw  me  your  axe!”  He  tossed  the  axe  over  the  fence; 
I  took  it  and  smashed  the  spokes  in  the  rear  wheels,  and  Ben- 
ham  smashed  those  in  front.  We  then  bid  good-day  to  the 
lady,  who  was  as  angry  as  Petruchio’s  Kate,  and  the  last  we 
saw  of  her  she  was  still  upbraiding  us. 

General  Buell,  although  a  loyal  and  efficient  commander, 
was  not  popular  with  the  volunteer  army.  Although  generally 
chivalrous,  it  was  disposed  to  interpret  orders  to  its  own  liking, 
and  became  enraged  at  Buell’s  severity.  He  ordered  that  the 
commanding  officers  should  not  needlessly  destroy  private 
property;  that  he  had  noticed  a  disposition  to  burn  valuable 
cedar  fence  rails  unnecessarily,  and  that  officers  would  see 
that  only  a  sufficient  number  of  rails  were  used  to  cook  the 
food.  A  division  commander  issued  an  order  in  derision 
directing  that  thereafter  none  but  the  top  rail  should  be  taken 
by  his  troops.  The  troops  understood  this  insubordination, 
and  it  soon  developed  that  there  were  no  more  top  rails. 

This  discontent  with  Buell  made  its  way  to  Washington. 
When  we  arrived  in  Louisville,  General  Thomas  sent  for 
Colonel  Shepherd,  showing  him  a  telegram  from  Washington 
announcing  that  General  Buell  was  relieved  and  that  he, 
Thomas,  should  take  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland. 
Thomas  said,  “Now,  Colonel  Shepherd,  I  don’t  see  how  I  can 
in  honor  obe}7  that  order  unless  it  is  forced  upon  me,  because 


FOUR  YEARS  OF  CIVIL  WAR 


85 


General  Buell  has  consulted  me  in  every  movement  he  has 
made  since  we  have  been  serving  together,  and  I  approve  of 
everything  he  has  done.  In  your  opinion,  should  I  not,  before 
taking  command,  communicate  these  facts  to  the  government?” 
Shepherd,  loyal  to  Buell,  agreed.  Thomas  telegraphed  to 
Washington,  and  Buell  was  retained  for  some  time.  Later  he 
was  relieved  by  Bosecrans. 

Bragg,  failing  to  get  possession  of  Louisville,  and  fearing  to 
proceed  further  north,  fell  back  to  Perryville,  Kentucky,  where 
the  important  battle  of  Perryville  took  place  on  October  8th. 
General  Bragg  then  abandoned  further  aggressive  movements 
and  began  his  retirement  toward  Nashville,  Buell  following 
him  closely  and  arriving  at  Nashville  in  time  to  hold  that  city. 

When  the  Civil  War  broke  out,  army  regulations  provided 
brass  mountings  for  the  soldier,  retaining  many  useless  and 
cumbersome  impediments  for  the  soldier’s  person  because  at 
one  time  they  were  useful.  When  fighting  was  done  with 
arrows  and  spears  and  short  infantry  swords,  men  wore  coats 
of  mail,  to  ward  off  the  strokes  of  the  enemy.  When  firearms 
appeared  these  became  ineffective  and  were  gradually  hut 
laboriously  abandoned.  The  soldier’s  “scale”  represented  the 
last  remnant  of  the  coat  of  mail,  and  theoretically  was  useful 
in  warding  off  strokes  of  the  saber  on  the  shoulder.  While 
many  intelligent  men  knew  its  uselessness,  no  one  had  the 
courage  to  advocate  its  abandonment. 

In  November,  ’63,  while  my  regiment  was  guarding  Belotte’s 
Ford,  on  the  Cumberland  River,  eight  miles  from  Gallatin, 
Tennessee,  we  received  midnight  orders  to  proceed  within  two 
hours  to  an  expected  battle-field.  We  were  to  take  four  days’ 
rations,  to  be  carried  by  one  four-mule  team.  My  company, 
the  largest  in  the  regiment,  found  it  impossible  to  pack  all  the 
necessary  articles  in  one  wagon.  Coming  upon  a  chest  weigh¬ 
ing  over  three  hundred  pounds,  I  asked  the  sergeant  what  it 
contained.  He  replied,  “The  scales,  sir.”  I  told  him  to  throw 
it  into  the  latrine,  which  he  did,  and  the  box  is  there  now. 

Finding  no  battle-field,  we  turned  out  for  Sunday  morning 


and  Armor. 


FOUR  YEARS  OF  CIVIL  WAR 


87 


inspection  in  a  beautiful  camp  in  the  woods.  All  the  other 
companies  appeared  with  their  shining  “scales”  and  other 
brass  ornaments.  scaleless  company  presented  anything 

hut  the  so-called  military  appearance. 

Approaching  my  company,  the  Major,  a  martinet,  remarked, 
“Captain,  where  are  your  scales?”  I  replied,  “I  abandoned 
them  for  want  of  transportation.”  He  said,  “You  are  out  of 
uniform,  and  I  shall  have  to  report  you.  Have  you  made 
requisition  for  more?”  I  replied  that  I  had  not  and  did  not 
intend  to;  that  they  were  a  very  detrimental  incumbrance. 
Although  he  ordered  me  peremptorily  to  do  so,  I  never  did. 
Whenever  my  company  was  inspected  by  others  I  was  simi¬ 
larly  reprimanded,  and  I  dare  say  the  files  of  the  War  Depart¬ 
ment  are  today  full  of  reports  condemning  me  as  a  captain  for 
being  out  of  uniform. 

Later,  out  on  the  plains,  where  we  were  less  harassed  by 
bureaucracy,  one  captain  after  another  began  to  shed,  and 
finally,  after  ten  years’  defiance  of  regulations  and  orders  by 
courageous  and  sensible  captains,  the  army  shed  its  scales  as 
a  snake  sheds  its  skin.  No  order  was  ever  issued  by  any 
authority  for  their  abandonment.  It  is  the  only  way  in  which 
the  army  can  be  redeemed  from  some  of  its  follies,  such  as 
continue  to  this  day  in  wearing  the  present  swords  and  sabers, 
as  useless  for  all  military  purposes  as  the  scales. 

When  General  W.  S.  Rosecrans  was  assigned  to  the  com¬ 
mand  of  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland,  relieving  General  Buell, 
my  regiment  was  detached  from  Steedman’s  Brigade  of  the 
35th  Ohio,  2d  Minnesota  and  4th  Michigan,  and  all  our  officers 
bade  the  officers  of  Steedman’s  Brigade  an  affectionate  good¬ 
bye.  On  Christmas  day  we  joined  the  15th,  16th  and  19th 
regular  infantry,  with  Battery  H,  5th  Artillery,  on  the  height 
near  Nashville,  where  we  were  brigaded  with  them  as  the 
“Regular  Brigade,  Army  of  the  Cumberland,”  Col.  O.  L.  Shep¬ 
herd,  commanding. 

Bragg’s  army  at  Murfreesboro,  thirty  miles  south  of  Nash¬ 
ville,  received  reinforcements  from  Virginia,  principally  under 


88 


SECOND  PERIOD 


Breckinridge.  Rosecrans,  hastily  assembling  as  large  a  com¬ 
mand  as  possible,  determined  to  attack.  On  the  last  day  of 
December,  1862,  and  the  first  and  second  of  January,  1863, 
these  armies  fought  one  of  the  bloodiest  battles  of  the  war 
about  two  miles  north  of  Murfreesboro  along  Stone  River. 

General  Rosecrans  issued  a  confidential  order  for  a  general 
attack  by  the  whole  army  at  eight  o’clock,  December  31st. 
Colonel  Shepherd,  officer  of  the  day  for  the  whole  army,  rode 
the  lines  to  see  the  leading  commanders  were  prepared  to 
make  the  common  assault  on  time.  I  rode  with  Colonel  Shep¬ 
herd  all  night,  and  everything  seemed  to  be  fairly  understood, 
but  General  Bragg  was  informed,  massed  his  troops  on  the 
left  and  assaulted  our  whole  right  wing,  commanded  by  Gen¬ 
eral  McCook,  capturing  most  of  the  batteries  before  the  horses 
were  harnessed.  Rousseau’s  reserve  division  and  the  regular 
brigade  reserve  of  his  division  were  the  first  in  our  army  seri¬ 
ously  in  action.  I  was  with  Colonel  Shepherd  and  General 
Rousseau  when  our  right  was  crushed.  General  Thomas  ex¬ 
citedly  ordered  Rousseau  to  “put  the  regulars  in  the  cedars 
and  drive  those  devils  back.”  We  thrust  in  our  battery  under 
the  protection  of  the  cedar  trees  and  rocks  in  time  to  check 
the  victorious  Confederates,  giving  Rosecrans  time  to  reform 
his  routed  right  and  establish  a  new  line. 

That  night  Doctor  Webster  Lindsly  and  I,  with  the  permis¬ 
sion  of  the  Confederates,  visited  the  field  to  care  for  the 
wounded,  where  I  carried  Captain  Mack  to  the  hospital.  I 
found  a  young  man,  mortally  wounded,  a  cannon  ball  having 
struck  his  abdomen.  He  said,  “I  know  I  am  going  to  die. 
Write  my  mother  that  you  saw  me  here.”  I  wrote  down  his 
name  and  address,  but  I  lost  it.  I  have  regretted  it  ever  since, 
especially  as  I  could  not  remember  the  name. 

During  the  first  day  our  forces  were  worsted,  our  supply 
trains  cut  off,  and,  the  men  carrying  no  rations,  were  hungry. 
Our  entire  right  wing  was  doubled  back  on  the  left,  the  enemy 
were  in  front  and  rear,  and  the  night  was  exceedingly  cold. 


FOUR  YEARS  OF  CIVIL  WAR 


89 


It  was  midnight  before  the  excitement  and  confusion  abated 
sufficiently  to  allow  the  men  a  little  rest. 

When  I  lay  down,  I  rolled  up  in  my  saddle  blanket  near 
Captain  R.  L.  Morris,  a  personal  and  intimate  friend.  But  I 
was  not  to  sleep  yet.  Colonel  Shepherd  sent  me  several  miles 
to  the  rear  with  orders  to  seize  some  unguarded  wagons  which 
were  filled  with  hard  bread  and  bacon  for  the  daybreak 
breakfast. 

I  folded  my  blanket,  laid  it  on  the  ground  and  carried  out 
the  instructions,  bringing  the  wagons  back  with  me.  When  I 
returned,  my  blanket  was  missing. 

The  loss  was  discouraging,  and  I  was  cold,  but  as  Morris  said 
he  knew  nothing  of  it,  there  was  nothing  to  do  but  pass  the 
night  as  best  I  could.  The  next  morning  I  noticed  Morris  had 
not  only  his  saddle  blanket,  but  another,  tied  in  a  roll  behind. 
I  asked  where  he  got  it  and  he  retorted  it  was  no  concern  of 
mine.  I  thought  the  circumstances  sufficient  to  warrant  an 
explanation,  and  he  became  angry,  exclaiming,  “Do  you  sup¬ 
pose  I  would  steal  your  blanket.  Mills?” 

“No,”  I  said,  “I  don’t,  but  I  would  like  you  to  untie  your 
blanket  and  let  me  examine  it.” 

He  untied  it,  and  I  showed  him  my  initials  worked  in  one 
corner  with  yarn. 

Laughing,  he  said,  “Well,  Mills,  I  give  it  up.  That  is  your 
blanket.  Take  it.  I  stole  it,  knowing  government  blankets 
were  as  alike  as  two  peas.  I  wouldn’t  steal  under  ordinary 
circumstances,  but  such  a  night  as  last  night  would  justify  a 
man  in  doing  anything  to  keep  warm.” 

Bragg  assembled  half  his  army  on  our  extreme  left  during 
the  night,  intending  to  destroy  our  left  as  he  had  our  right. 
General  Breckinridge  crossed  the  river  opposite  our  extreme 
left,  expecting  to  surprise  us,  but  Rosecrans  fortunately 
received  notice  and  concentrated  five  hundred  pieces  of 
artillery  on  our  left,  unknown  to  Breckinridge. 

The  Confederates  were  literally  cut  to  pieces  with  our 
artillery.  On  the  right  we  could  see  nothing,  but  beard  the 


90 


SECOND  PERIOD 


roar  of  cannon  for  at  least  an  hour,  not  knowing  the  result. 
Suddenly  the  firing  ceased,  we  heard  a  cheer  and,  crossing  a 
ridge  to  our  left  a  sergeant  galloped  between  the  lines,  carry¬ 
ing  an  inverted  Confederate  flag.  Although  this  sergeant  was 
in  easy  gunshot  of  the  Confederates,  not  a  single  shot  was  fired 
at  him. 

The  third  day  of  the  battle  resulted  decisively.  Bragg  retired 
toward  Chattanooga. 

On  September  19  and  20,  Chickamauga,  the  most  sanguinary 
battle  of  the  war,  was  fought.  Here  the  regular  brigade  (one 
battalion  each  of  the  15th,  16th  and  19th,  and  two  battalions 
of  the  18th,  with  Battery  H  of  the  5th  Artillery)  lost  over 
thirty-three  per  cent  of  their  strength  in  killed,  wounded  and 
missing,  and  during  the  fight,  the  battery'  was  taken  by  the 
Confederates,  all  the  horses  killed,  but  the  guns  recaptured 
later  on. 

At  the  close  of  this  battle,  my  company,  the  largest  in  the 
brigade,  was  selected  for  picket  duty  to  cover  the  brigade 
front.  Lieutenant  Freeman,  the  adjutant,  posted  me  close  to 
the  rebel  lines.  He  rode  out  a  couple  of  hundred  yards  and 
was  taken  prisoner  by  rebel  pickets  springing  from  behind 
trees,  and  sent  to  Libby  Prison,  from  which  he  escaped 
through  a  tunnel  in  time  to  join  Sherman’s  army  near  the  sea. 
During  the  entire  night  our  picket  line  was  compelled  to  listen 
to  the  shrieks  and  cries  for  water  and  help  from  the  w'ounded 
and  dying,  who  lay  immediately  in  front,  hut  whom  we  w’ere 
unable  to  assist,  although  they  were  only  a  few'  hundred  yards 
from  us.  Some  time  after  midnight  an  order  came  for  a 
change  in  the  position  of  the  army,  which  moved  our  brigade 
a  mile  and  a  half  to  another  position.  As  Freeman  was  absent, 
the  regimental  commander  was  unaware  of  the  exact  location 
of  my  company;  and,  in  the  morning,  hearing  no  noise  from 
the  location  of  the  regiment,  I  sent  a  sergeant  to  find  out  the 
cause.  The  sergeant  returned,  reporting  that  the  regiment 
and  the  troops  adjoining  had  abandoned  the  field,  so  I  relieved 
my  company  and  marched,  following  the  trails  of  the  different 


FOUR  YEARS  OF  CIVIL  WAR 


91 


regiments,  and  finally  arrived  at  their  line  of  battle.  I  did  not 
see  Freeman  again  until  on  recruiting  duty  at  St.  Louis. 

Rosecrans  was  practically  defeated  at  Chickamauga  and 
retired  to  Chattanooga,  where  Thomas  concentrated  his  army 
for  defense.  Bragg  besieged  the  city  with  so  large  an  army  it 
was  found  necessary  to  reinforce  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland 
by  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  under  Grant  and  Sherman,  and 
two  divisions  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  under  Hooker. 

General  Thomas,  who  succeeded  Rosecrans,  was  besieged 
and  on  half  rations  for  months,  the  Confederate  cavalry  cut¬ 
ting  off  supplies.  Finally  there  came  the  wonderful  battle  of 
Missionary  Ridge,  with  Grant  commanding  the  whole  army; 
Hooker,  the  right  (Lookout  Mountain) ;  Thomas,  the  center; 
and  Sherman,  the  left.  Hooker  took  Lookout  during  the  night, 
but  neither  army  knew  it  until  daylight.  As  the  sun  rose,  a 
bugle  was  sounded  and  a  sergeant  and  three  men  presented  to 
the  breeze  a  large  American  flag  from  the  {joint  of  Lookout 
Mountain,  announcing  the  defeat  of  the  Confederate  Army. 
The  whole  Federal  Army  took  up  the  cheer  that  swept  from 
right  to  left. 

By  ten  o’clock,  Thomas’  army,  numbering  perhaps  twenty 
thousand  men,  was  in  battle  line  at  the  foot  of  Missionary 
Ridge,  five  hundred  feet  high,  well  designed  for  defense.  Three 
guns  from  Thomas’  headquarters  was  the  signal  for  the  whole 
line  to  charge. 

Thomas’  army  stood  for  hours,  with  fixed  bayonets,  reflect¬ 
ing  dazzling  sun  rays  to  the  Ridge. 

At  last  we  heard  the  signal  and  cheered  as  we  charged.  The 
Confederates  reserved  their  fire  until  we  had  passed  up  one- 
third  of  the  ridge,  when  they  opened  fire.  Their  guns  were 
so  depressed,  however,  that  the  recoil  destroyed  their  accuracy, 
and  the  shells  went  over  our  heads.  Finally  my  company 
arrived  so  close  I  heard  one  of  their  gunners  call  out,  “Half- 
second  fuse,”  which  meant  that  the  shell  would  explode  one- 
half  second  after  it  left  the  gun.  It  seemed  difficult  to  believe 
that  we  could  mount  that  rough  mountain  ridge  and  drive  the 


92 


SECOND  PERIOD 


Confederates  away  from  their  five  hundred  pieces  of  cannon, 
but  no  part  of  the  line  was  ever  halted.  In  half  an  hour  the 
whole  Confederate  line  was  in  our  possession. 

After  this  defeat,  Bragg  retired  towards  Atlanta,  to  which 
we  also  went. 

At  the  battle  of  Jonesboro,  near  Atlanta,  Captain  Andy  Burt 
and  I  had  many  men  wounded.  Visiting  these  men  in  a  large 
tent  containing  perhaps  seventy-five  men,  we  found  that  cer-  \ 
tain  Union  Christian  Societies  had  pinned  upon  its  white  walls 
large  placards  reading,  “Are  you  prepared  to  die?”  “Prepare 
to  meet  your  God.”  As  soon  as  Burt  saw  these  senseless 
signs,  he  tore  them  down,  stamping  them  under  his  feet,  crying 
out,  “Never  say  die,  men !  Never  say  die!”  A  badly  wounded 
sergeant  of  my  regiment  answered,  “If  more  officers  like  this 
visited  us,  there  wouldn’t  be  so  many  of  us  die!” 

One  of  the  most  distinguished  field  batteries  in  the  army 
was  raised  by  the  Chicago  Board  of  Trade.  Commanded  by  • 
a  fine-looking  young  German,  Captain  Dilger,  this  battery  was 
given  carte  blanche  to  proceed  where  it  pleased  to  do  the  most 
destruction,  and  his  men  seemed  to  be  inspired  with  his  own 
spirit  and  ambition.  In  his  buckskin  suit  he  would  ride  about, 
seeking  a  place  to  set  up  his  battery  to  advantage.  Dashing 
even  beyond  the  skirmish  lines,  he  would  go  into  action  and 
do  all  the  destruction  he  could  before  the  enemy  could  get  his 
range,  and  as  suddenly  disappear. 

At  New  Hope  Church,  Lieutenant  Bisbee  (now  Brigadier 
General,  retired)  and  I,  with  our  two  companies,  were  on 
picket  duty  when  Dilger’s  battery  passed  through  our  lines 
and  into  action.  Knowing  the  Confederates  would  soon  get  i 
his  range,  our  men  protected  themselves  behind  rocks  and 
trees.  Bisbee  and  I  were  behind  a  pine  tree  twenty  inches  in 
diameter,  when  a  solid  shot  cut  the  tree  in  two,  throwing  us 
to  the  ground  with  splinters  in  our  bodies.  Neither  of  us  j 
was  seriously  wounded,  and  we  returned  to  duty  in  a  few  days. 

The  regular  brigade  was  so  depleted  with  losses,  discharges 
and  failure  to  enlist  that  it  was  determined  to  send  it  while 


FOUR  YEARS  OF  CIVIL  WAR 


93 


waiting  recruits  to  camp  on  Lookout  Mountain,  overlooking 
Chattanooga.  As  the  senior  officer  of  the  18th  Infantry,  I 
marched  it  to  the  mountain  for  indefinite  encampment. 

At  this  time  General  Steedman,  with  ten  thousand  men,  was 
ordered  to  defend  Chattanooga  in  the  apprehended  march  of 
Hood  to  Nashville.  Learning  I  was  out  of  active  service  while 
my  regiment  recuperated,  Steedman  called  me  to  his  staff  as 
inspector  general  of  his  provisional  corps.  When  Hood 
avoided  Chattanooga,  we  moved  the  whole  ten  thousand  men, 
reaching  Nashville  and  joining  Thomas  just  in  time  to  escape 
being  cut  off  by  Hood’s  army. 

Hood,  relieving  Bragg,  invested  Nashville  and,  on  December 
16,  1864,  the  Battle  of  Nashville  took  place.  Hood’s  retreat 
toward  the  Cumberland  Biver  was  disastrous,  but  floods  saved 
his  army.  We  were  unable  to  cross  streams  over  which  he 
had  destroyed  the  bridges.  Thomas  ordered  Steedman  to 
Murfreesboro  to  entrain  ten  thousand  men  for  Decatur,  Ala¬ 
bama,  to  prevent  Hood’s  crossing. 

We  halted  Sunday  morning  at  Huntsville  to  repair  some 
small  bridges.  While  waiting,  a  bell  began  to  ring  for  church 
services,  and  the  General  suggested  that  we  all  attend.  A 
dignified,  gray-haired  old  man  mounted  the  pulpit,  and  began 
the  services,  bringing  in  with  more  than  necessary  vehemence 
the  prayer  for  Jeff  Davis  and  all  those  in  authority.  General 
Steedman,  a  man  of  intense  passion  combined  with  the  ten- 
dcrest  affection,  was  bitterly  insulted,  but  he  remained  until 
the  services  were  completed.  Betiring  from  the  church,  he 
arrested  the  preacher  and  placed  him  under  guard.  He  was 
the  Beverend  Dr.  Ross  of  Knoxville,  Tennessee,  who  some 
years  before  had  canvassed  the  Northern  States  with  Parson 
Bronlow  in  a  political-religious  discussion  of  slavery.  In  that 
canvass  Parson  Bronlow  took  the  side  of  slavery  and  Dr.  Boss 
the  opposite.  They  had  now  each  honestly  changed  their 
views  completely. 

When  the  Doctor  wTas  brought  in,  the  General  exclaimed, 
passionately,  “Dr.  Ross,  have  you  no  more  respect  for  the 


94 


SECOND  PERIOD 


authorities  of  the  Federal  Government  than  to  pray  for  Jeff  I 
Davis  in  their  presence?  If  you  have  no  more  respect,  have 
you  no  more  sense?” 

The  Doctor  stood  calmly  and  said,  “I  have  more  respect  for  • 
my  conscientious  convictions  as  a  minister,  my  creed  in 
religion,  and  my  God  than  I  have  for  the  authorities  of  the 
United  States  Government.  If  I  have  committed  any  crime 
in  your  eyes,  you  have  the  power  to  punish  me;  but  I  shall 
cheerfully  accept  any  punishment  you  choose  to  give  me,  even 
to  death.” 

The  General  made  no  reply  for  some  time,  but  finally  said,  I 
“Very  well,  sir;  I  will  carry  you  along  with  the  command  as  a 
prisoner.”  The  Doctor  replied,  “General,  I  am  perfectly  will¬ 
ing  to  go  with  your  command,  but  I  am  too  old  to  march.  I 
will  do  the  best  I  can.”  He  appeared  to  be  about  sixty-five  > 
or  seventy  years  old,  quite  gray  and  rather  feeble. 

The  General  replied,  “Very  well,  sir,  I  will  give  you  trans-  I 
portation — I  will  give  you  an  ambulance,  and”  with  some  4 
oaths,  “I  will  give  you  an  escort  of  your  own  color.”  We  had 
three  brigades  of  colored  troops  in  the  command,  and  the  I 
Doctor  was  of  so  dark  a  complexion  as  almost  to  suggest  a  j 
mixture  of  blood. 

Dr.  Ross  was  carried  on  the  cars  and,  later,  on  an  ambulance  1 
with  a  colored  escort.  But  General  Steedman  realized  he  I 
had  made  a  mistake.  When  General  Roddy  (commanding  the 
Confederates  on  our  front)  requested  an  exchange  of  prison-  j 
ers.  General  Steedman  gave  me  instructions  to  give  Dr.  Ross  i 
any  military  rank  that  would  secure  his  exchange.  We  had  i 
no  difficulty  in  making  the  exchange,  together  with  many  I 
others. 

When  my  regiment  was  withdrawn  from  active  service  to  i 
Lookout  Mountain,  Tennessee,  for  reorganization,  Lieutenant 
William  H.  Bisbee  was  my  adjutant. 

The  beauty  and  symmetry  of  his  reports  was  marked,  but  ■; 
some  apparently  irrelevant  figures  excited  my  curiosity.  Writ-  j 
ten  in  rather  large  figures  in  bright  red  ink  was,  “S-T-1860-X.” 


FOUR  YEARS  OF  CIVIL  WAR 


95 


Asked  why  he  had  made  use  of  these  particular  letters  and 
figures,  he  said  he  had  copied  them  from  a  manufacturer’s 
trade-mark  for  “Hostetter’s  Bitters,”  which,  translated,  read, 
“Started  trade  in  1860  with  $10.00.”  He  had  noticed  papers 
from  Washington  with  red  ink  figures  which  he  could  not 
understand,  and  so  interspersed  the  notations  throughout  his 
own  reports,  knowing  that  no  one  would  understand  them,  but 
believing  it  would  be  assumed  to  be  the  result  of  much  study 
and  care! 

Sure  enough,  in  due  time  Bisbee  received  a  personal  letter 
from  the  Adjutant  General  of  the  Army,  complimenting  him 
on  the  most  perfect  monthly  returns  ever  submitted  by  any 
regular  regiment. 

The  Confederates  had  a  fort  at  Decatur,  and  we  had  some 
gunboats  on  the  river.  General  Steedman  sent  me  at  night 
to  get  such  information  as  the  naval  commander  could  give 
about  Decatur  and  the  Confederate  supplies  supposed  to  be 
there.  Employing  a  boatman  to  carry  me  to  the  gunboat 
Burnsides,  commanded  by  Lieutenant  Moneau  Forrest,  I 
reported  myself  staff  officer  from  General  Steedman,  and 
asked  the  commander  whether  he  could  assist  us  in  crossing 
the  river  with  the  Federal  transports  to  take  Decatur  and  its 
supplies.  Learning  he  could  protect  Steedman’s  crossing  and 
could  assemble  enough  transports  to  carry  the  ten  thousand 
men  across  in  a  short  time,  and  would  assault  Decatur  with 
his  gunboats,  I  reported  to  Steedman.  He  and  his  staff  officers 
crossed  with  his  army  in  the  early  part  of  the  day,  leaving  me 
on  the  gunboat.  He  assaulted  Decatur  from  the  rear,  while 
the  gunboats  assaulted  from  the  river. 

This  was  my  only  naval  engagement.  Several  men  were 
lost,  and  the  missiles  from  the  Confederate  guns  tore  up  the 
planks  of  the  deck.  Decatur  surrendered,  and  we  had  the 
supplies  which  Hood  was  unable  to  take. 

We  pursued  Hood’s  straggling  army,  the  rear  guard  of 
which  was  commanded  by  General  Boddy,  and  on  the  21st 
day  of  December.  1864,  after  a  lively  chase  in  a  drenching 


96 


SECOND  PERIOD 


rain,  arrived  at  “Swope’s  House,”  a  plantation  six  miles  from 
Courtland. 

The  general  camped  midway  between  the  road  and  the 
house.  We  were  wet,  and  the  General  sent  me  to  ask  if  the 
occupants  of  Swope’s  residence,  a  large,  typical  Southern 
home,  would  permit  us  to  enter. 

When  I  knocked  at  the  door  a  lady  appeared,  but  she 
slammed  the  door  in  my  face!  Reporting  to  the  General,  he 
excitedty  called  his  staff  to  follow,  and  rapped  violently  at 
the  door.  The  same  lady  appearing,  he  said  to  her,  very 
sternly,  “Madam,  is  there  a  man  in  this  house?”  She  replied 
quietly,  “Yes.” 

“Tell  him  General  Steedman  wants  to  see  him.”  In  a  few 
minutes  a  gray-haired  man,  about  seventy,  asked  us  what  was 
desired. 

The  General  replied,  “I  sent  one  of  my  staff  officers  here 
to  request  a  simple  courtesy,  usually  accorded  foe  as  well  as 
friend — simply  to  warm  by  your  fire.  This  officer  was  insulted 
by  one  of  the  ladies  in  your  house.  You  can  prepare  the  fire 
yourself  or  I  will  have  it  prepared  for  us.” 

Mr.  Swope  replied  he  would  have  it  prepared  as  quickly 
as  possible. 

We  visited  some  of  the  camps,  and  on  our  return  found  a 
cheerful  fire  in  the  parlor.  The  room  was  bare  of  everything 
but  chairs,  everything  in  the  way  of  ornaments  that  could  be 
stolen  having  been  removed.  But  the  fire  was  comfortable, 
and  we  stayed  until  the  orderly  announced  our  camp  supper 
was  ready. 

A  young  man  on  our  staff,  Davis  by  name,  was  something  of 
a  ladies’  man.  While  we  enjoyed  the  fire,  he  encountered  a 
young  lady  in  the  hall.  Strange  to  say,  the  lady  greeted  him 
cordially — an  unaccountable  thing  to  those  men  who  approach 
the  feminine  sex  with  difficulty.  They  laughed  and  joked, 
another  lady  appeared,  and  there  was  quite  a  gay  scene. 

One  of  the  ladies  was  Captain  Swope’s  daughter,  and  the 
other  a  cousin  from  Nashville.  We  had  been  there  for  some 


FOUR  YEARS  OF  CIVIL  WAR 


97 


time,  and  as  she  had  heard  nothing  since  the  battle  she  was 
anxious  for  news  from  Nashville. 

Returning  to  the  house  after  supper,  all  the  ornaments  had 
been  returned  to  the  parlor,  curtains  were  hung,  rugs  and 
carpets  down,  the  center  table  had  regained  its  cover,  and 
was  piled  with  hooks.  Davis  introduced  the  ladies  to  the 
whole  party. 

Picking  up  an  autograph  album,  I  saw  the  signatures  of 
Jeff  Davis,  Beauregard,  Bragg,  and  many  prominent  officers 
of  the  Confederacy.  Between  the  leaves  was  an  order  reading 
as  follows: 


!“  Headquarters,  District  of  the  Etowah,  In  the  Field,  Swope’s  House. 

Northern  Alabama,  December  22,  1861f.  Special  Order  No. - . 

“Immediately  upon  receipt  of  this  order,  Doctor  - ,  in  charge 

ff  Post  Hospital  at  Courtland,  will  deliver  to  Captain  SAvope  the  basket 
}f  champagne  seized  in  the  express  office  by  him  on  yesterday.  By  order 
}f  Genera]  P.  D.  Roddy. 

“ Adjutant  General.” 

1 


The  Generals  of  both  armies  commanded  districts  of  the 
same  name,  “Etowah.”  I  turned  the  sheet  over  and  wrote  as 
?ollows : 


if  “Headquarters,  District  of  the  Etowah,  In  the  Field,  Swope’s  House, 
Vorthern  Alabama,  December  21,  1861f.  Special  Order  No. - . 

“Immediately  upon  receipt  of  this  order.  Captain  SAvope,  Quarter- 
naster  in  the  Confederate  Army,  will  turn  over  to  Major  General  Steed- 

nan  and  staff  the  basket  of  champagne  recovered  from  Doctor - , 

n  charge  of  the  Post  Hospital  at  Courtland,  and  mentioned  on  the  oppo- 
ite  side  of  this  paper. 

“By  order  of  Major  General  Steedman. 

Anson  Mills, 

U  .  “Captain,  18th  Infantry,  Inspector  General, 

District  of  the  Etowah.” 


lit 

lit 


Both  the  ladies  eyed  me  intently.  I  laid  the  hook  on  the 
able,  and  one  of  the  ladies  picked  it  up  and  read  the  paper, 
ffie  passed  it  to  her  cousin,  who  also  read  it,  and,  after  a 


98 


SECOND  PERIOD 


short  conference,  they  went  upstairs.  Soon  Mr.  Swope  entered, 
asking,  “Can  I  speak  with  Captain  Mills?” 

I  announced  myself  and  he  said,  “My  dear  sir:  your  order 
is  good.  I  would  obey  it  with  pleasure  were  it  possible,  but,  ! 
unfortunately,  I  was  unable  to  recover  the  champagne.  It  I 
was  used  in  the  hospital  before  this  order  was  presented  to  I 
the  doctor.  I  regret  exceedingly  that  I  am  unable  to  do  so,  1 
for  I  realize  the  propriety,  in  case  it  were  possible.” 

By  this  time  we  were  well  established  in  good  relations  with 
the  family.  Our  evening  passed  as  pleasantly  there  as  any¬ 
where  during  the  war,  and  we  flattered  ourselves  the  family 
was  as  reluctant  to  part  with  us  as  we  with  them. 

On  the  23d  of  December  we  established  headquarters  at 
Courtland,  abandoning  a  vigorous  pursuit  of  Hood.  The  next 
day  in  Steedman’s  office,  Oakly  Bynam  came  in  and  greeted 
him  as  a  fellow  Mason,  and  asked  for  help.  He  had  bought 
several  thousand  bales  of  cotton,  which  the  Federal  troops  ' 
were  destroying.  He  wanted  a  permit  to  ship  it  to  Louisville  i 
by  the  government  vessels  then  in  the  river.  Steedman  angrily  i 
told  him  that  neither  former  friendship  nor  Masonic  brother-  1 
hood  should  influence  him  to  aid  one  willing  to  play  “Good 
Loi'd,  good  devil”  to  either  the  Confederates  or  the  Federals 
who  might  be  in  control.  • 

That  night  Mr.  Bynam  told  me  he  had  several  thousand 
bales  of  cotton  worth  a  dollar  and  a  half  a  pound  in  Louisville; 
and  that,  if  the  soldiers  burned  it,  it  would  ruin  him;  but  that  | 
if  I  had  sufficient  influence  with  General  Thomas  to  allow  it 
to  be  shipped  north,  he  would  make  a  fortune  and  would 
divide  it  equally  with  me!  Of  course,  I  declined,  and  most 
of  the  cotton  was  burned  by  Steedman’s  army. 


99 


Major  General  James  B.  Steelman. 


Irigadier  General  H.  B.  Freeman. 


Brigadier  General  O.  L.  Shepherd. 


Brigadier  General  VV  m.  H.  Bisbf.e. 


100 


After  the  War 

In  February,  1865,  the  War  Department  detailed  three  offi¬ 
cers  from  each  of  the  new  regiments  for  recruiting  service, 
selecting  those  who  had  served  longest  during  the  war.  I 
headed  the  list  of  my  regiment,  and  was  sent  successively  to 
Toledo,  Zanesville  and  St.  Louis,  where  I  again  met  the  former 
adjutant,  Freeman.  (He  died  recently,  a  brigadier  general.) 
He  was  also  on  recruiting  duty,  and  we  were  both  ordered  to 
Jefferson  Barracks  to  reorganize  our  companies  from  the  men 
we  had  enlisted.  Almost  all  of  these  were  volunteers  dis¬ 
charged  in  St.  Louis. 

I  was  ordered  with  my  own  and  Company  A,  commanded 
by  Lieutenant  Carpenter,  to  Fort  Aubrey,  Kansas,  via  Leaven¬ 
worth,  to  relieve  two  companies  of  one-year  Ohio  volunteers,  ] 
whose  time  had  expired,  and  who  were  near  mutiny.  I  left 
St.  Louis  December  5,  1865.  The  weather  was  so  cold,  and 
the  supply  train  furnished  me  at  Fort  Leavenworth  so  inade¬ 
quate,  that  I  seized  and  exchanged  wagons  and  teams  with  a 
quartermaster’s  train  returning  from  Santa  Fe.  One  of  my 
men  froze  to  death  on  the  journey,  and  several  were  severely 
frost-bitten. 

I  found  the  Walnut  Fork  of  the  Arkansas  River  impassable 
from  floods,  and  traveled  without  a  trail  from  Fort  Larned 
for  three  days,  until  I  could  cross,  thence  moving  south  toward 
Fort  Aubrey,  as  I  supposed. 

During  the  march  a  hostile  band  of  Cheyenne  Indians  (called 
“dog  soldiers”)  under  young  Bent,  a  half-breed,  attempted  to 
surprise  us.  Frustrated,  they  followed  us  into  the  Arkansas 
River,  four  miles  above  Fort  Dodge.  The  Indians  asked  for 
parley,  during  which  I  discovered  a  captive  American  girl,  j} 
who  attempted  to  talk  to  me,  but  was  silenced  by  the  chief,  uj 
I  was  later  instrumental,  through  the  Indian  agent.  Major  m 
Wyncoop,  in  securing  the  ransom  of  this  girl,  Mary  Fletcher. 


AFTER  THE  WAR 


101 


Leaving  A  Company  at  Fort  Dodge,  I  took  my  own  to 
Aubrey,  where  I  relieved  the  Ohio  volunteers.  I  remained 
until  April,  relieving  the  monotony  by  killing  some  of  tbe 
buffalo  which  covered  the  whole  country,  riding  a  spirited 
horse  which  could  overtake  any  buffalo. 

My  company  clerk  was  Henry  Garrells,  an  excellent  penman 
and  accountant,  but  so  near-sighted  I  had  to  get  special  per¬ 
mission  to  enlist  him.  He  was  not  only  the  most  unprepos¬ 
sessing  man  I  ever  saw,  but  one  of  the  most  troublesome 
drunkards  in  the  army.  He  got  drunk  periodically,  generally 
selecting  a  time  when  urgency  in  the  preparation  of  company 
papers  was  most  desired.  When  under  the  influence  of  liquor, 
he  was  absolutely  uncontrollable,  requiring  two  or  three  men 
to  keep  him  from  violence.  When  sober,  he  was  one  of  the 
mildest  mannered  men  I  ever  saw. 

Our  post  near  the  river  was  composed  of  rude  huts  and 
dug-outs.  It  was  far  from  any  settlement,  and  we  had  no 
liquor,  so  Garrells  got  along  very  well  until,  one  Sunday 
morning,  he  obtained  two  bottles  of  bay  rum  from  the  post 
trader,  with  which  he  got  gloriously  drunk,  smashing  things 
right  and  left  in  the  quarters.  The  sergeant  detailed  several 
men  to  restrain  him  (there  being  no  guard  house),  reported 
the  damage  and  asked  what  to  do  with  him.  I  told  him  to  get 
a  cavalry  lariat,  about  one  hundred  feet  long,  and  with  two 
strong  men  carry  Garrells  to  the  river  bank.  They  were  to 
divest  him  of  clothing  and  throw  him  into  the  stream  until 
the  chill  (it  was  January)  should  sober  him. 

I  followed  Garrells  and  his  party  on  the  opposite  side  of 
the  stream.  Arrived  at  the  bank,  about  ten  feet  high,  Garrells 
exclaimed,  “Sergeant,  here’s  a  river!  ’Twill  require  some 
engineering  skill  to  pass  this  river!” 

“Never  mind,”  said  the  sergeant,  “we’ll  cross  it,  Garrells.” 
The  men  took  off  his  hat  and  coat,  and  one  of  them  reached 
into  his  pocket  for  his  money,  when  Garrells,  became  alarmed 
and  began  to  shout,  “Murder!  Robbers!  Help!” 

By  this  time  they  had  the  rope  around  his  body,  and  one 


102 


SECOND  PERIOD 


man  seizing  his  head,  another  his  heels,  they  tossed  him  far 
out  into  the  stream. 

When  Garrells  rose  he  spouted  like  a  whale,  and  swam  for 
the  opposite  shore.  Every  few  yards  of  progress  he  was 
checked  by  the  rope,  which  threw  his  head  under  water.  When 
he  came  near  the  bank  on  which  I  stood,  he  exclaimed,  “Major, 
damn  you,  do  you  think  I’m  a  goldfish  or  a  dolphin?” 

I  signaled  to  the  sergeant  to  pull  him  back,  and  by  the  time 
he  returned  he  was  thoroughly  sobered. 

I  had  heard  very  little  from  my  brother.  The  stage  line  was 
irregular  on  account  of  hostile  Indians.  One  evening  when  it 
drove  up,  it  brought  my  brother,  W.  W.,  and  Judge  Watts, 
neither  of  whom  I  had  seen  for  four  years.  They  could  only 
remain  the  night  with  me,  but  shortly  after  I  procured  leave 
and  joined  them  in  Washington. 

Judge  Watts  and  my  brother  had  an  interview  with  Presi¬ 
dent  Johnson  in  regard  to  Federal  appointments  in  New 
Mexico  and  Texas.  The  President  had  a  Texas  vacancy  on 
the  board  of  visitors  to  West  Point,  and  proposed  to  appoint 
W.  W.  Both  Judge  Watts  and  my  brother  preferred  I  be 
given  the  place,  as  I  was  a  military  man;  and  I  was  appointed. 

Adjutant  General  Townsend  protested  to  the  President  that 
my  appointment  was  illegal  because  the  regulations  of  the 
academy  provided  that  no  one  who  had  failed  at  West  Point 
should  be  made  a  member  of  the  board  for  ten  years  after 
such  failure. 

Learning  this  failure  was  nine  years  past,  the  President  sent 
for  Colonel  Townsend  and  asked  if  there  was  any  other  objec¬ 
tion  to  me  except  my  failure  at  the  academy,  and  what  my 
standing  was.  Townsend  had  no  other  objection,  and  said 
my  standing  was  good,  when  the  President  said,  “Well,  if  the 
faculty  discharged  a  man  who  nine  years  after  has  become  a 
captain  in  good  standing  in  the  regular  army,  I  think  it  best 
that  Captain  Mills  should  be  sent  there  to  see  what’s  the  matter 
with  the  academy!” 

General  Grant  was  anxious  to  have  the  superintendency  of 


AFTER  THE  WAR 


103 


the  military  academy  (by  law  confined  to  officers  of  the  engi¬ 
neer  corps)  opened  to  the  line  of  the  army,  and  Senator 
Nesmith,  a  member  of  the  board,  promised  to  try  to  secure 
a  recommendation  from  the  board  to  this  effect.  I  felt  the 
engineer  corps  conducted  the  academy  too  much  as  a  purely 
scientific  institution.  While  they  made  every  effort  to  produce 
high-grade  engineers,  less  attention  was  given  the  absolute 
requirements  of  officers  of  the  line,  so  I  was  glad  to  promise 
General  Grant  my  assistance.  At  his  suggestion,  I  made  the 
acquaintance  of  Senator  Nesmith,  who  set  about  the  accom¬ 
plishment  of  his  task  immediately  upon  the  organization  of 
the  board  of  sixteen  members.  An  animated  and  somewhat 
bitter  discussion  continued  during  our  whole  session,  finally 
resulting  in  a  vote  of  eight  to  eight,  so  the  resolution  was  lost. 
General  Grant  later  submitted  the  matter  to  Congress,  which 
changed  the  law  so  that  any  line  officer  could  be  made  super¬ 
intendent. 

While  the  board  was  at  the  academy,  General  Scott  died 
there,  and  the  board  as  a  body  were  his  pall-bearers. 

At  the  expiration  of  my  leave,  I  was  ordered  to  the  com¬ 
mand  of  Fort  Bridger,  Utah,  where  my  company  had  arrived 
in  my  absence. 

The  volunteers,  under  General  P.  Edward  Connor,  were 
being  relieved.  The  posts  and  the  territory  were  both  in  a 
chaotic  condition,  the  soldiers  harassing  the  Mormons  and 
encouraging  the  Gentiles  in  unlawful  persecutions. 

Among  the  volunteers  at  Fort  Bridger  was  Patrick  Tully, 
who  had  come  over  from  Ireland  with  General  Connor.  These 
friends  served  their  first  enlistment  together.  Connor  took 
up  the  study  of  law,  became  prominent,  and,  when  the  war 
broke  out,  was  colonel  of  a  volunteer  regiment  from  California, 
afterwards  brigadier  general  of  volunteers,  and  assigned  to  the 
command  of  the  District  of  Salt  Lake. 

Tully  left  the  regular  service  and  joined  a  volunteer  regi¬ 
ment.  He  was  one  of  those  soldiers  who,  either  by  misfortune 
ar  bad  conduct,  was  constantly  in  the  guard  house.  At  inspec- 


104 


SECOND  PERIOD 


tions,  the  general  generally  found  Tully  confined,  and  Tully 
never  failed  to  plead  the  ground  of  their  former  friendship  for 
release,  Connor  as  constantly  granting  it,  but  finally  abandoned 
him. 

Somewhat  ostentatious,  General  Connor,  when  leaving  one 
post  for  another,  invariably  telegraphed,  “I  leave  for  your 
post  today.  Have  quarters  prepared  for  me  on  my  arrival,” 
being  always  careful  to  sign  himself  “P.  Edward  Connor,” 
leaving  out  the  Pat  or  Patrick,  by  which  both  he  and  Tully 
were  known. 

All  the  volunteers  at  Bridger  were  ordered  to  Salt  Lake  to 
be  mustered  out— Tully  among  the  rest. 

When  Tully  was  ordered  to  make  preparations  for  the 
march,  he  sent  a  request  from  the  guard  house  asking  to  send 
a  telegram.  Arrived  at  the  telegraph  office,  he  dictated  the 
following: 

“To  General  P.  Edward  Connor,  Commanding  District  of  Salt  Lake: 

“Sir:  I  leave  here  for  your  post  today.  Have  quarters  prepared  for 
me  on  my  arrival.  P.  Edward  Tully.” 

It  is  needless  to  say  that  Connor  honored  the  requisition 
and  had  secure  (if  not  ample)  quarters,  prepared  for  “P. 
Edward  Tully.” 

I  was  prejudiced  against  the  Mormons,  but  found  they  were 
the  best  people  in  the  country,  and  the  only  ones  who  would 
fill  contracts  fairly.  The  Gentiles  practiced  every  device  to 
beat  the  government,  but  the  word  of  a  Mormon  was  his  bond. 
With  Major  Lewis  commanding  Fort  Douglas  at  Salt  Lake,  I 
called  upon  Brigham  Young.  He  looked  like  General  Grant, 
and  was  an  earnest  and,  I  believe,  a  sincere  and  conscientious 
man.  He  said  he  was  glad  to  meet  a  regular  officer,  because 
the  regular  army  always  treated  them  well,  but  that  the  volun¬ 
teers  under  Connor  had  been  demoralizing  to  those  of  the 
Mormon  faith.  Discussing  my  prejudice  against  his  people, 
about  which  he  asked  and  I  answered  frankly,  he  said,  “You 
have  doubtless  heard  we  are  disloyal  to  the  Union.”  Pointing 
to  the  flag  flying  over  his  Tabernacle,  he  said  it  had  waved 
every  day  since  the  war  began.  Upon  his  invitation  I  attended 


AFTER  THE  WAR 


105 


his  church  and  heard  him  preach  the  next  Sunday.  I  visited 
the  Tabernacle  in  company  with  his  son-in-law  and  saw  open 
on  the  pulpit  the  inspired  volumes  from  which  they  preached 
— the  Old  Testament,  the  New  Testament,  and  the  Book  of 
Mormon.  He  presented  a  copy  of  the  latter  to  me,  inscribed 
with  his  name,  which  I  still  have.  My  experiences  changed 
my  mind  regarding  the  Mormon  people.  I  believe  their  church 
the  equal  of  any  in  the  inculcation  of  those  qualities  which 
make  the  Mormons  law-abiding,  industrious,  economical  and 
faithful  to  all  their  agreements. 

Christmas  Eve,  Judge  Carter,  the  sutler,  gave  a  dancing 
party.  While  the  officers  and  ladies  were  dancing,  I  received 
a  dispatch  announcing  the  massacre  of  Fetterman  and  his 
command,  part  of  my  regiment,  at  Fort  Philip  Kearny.  We 
were  all  of  the  same  regiment.  I  stopped  the  band  and  read 
the  despatch,  which  cast  the  garrison  into  gloom,  and  presaged 
a  general  war  with  the  Sioux. 

Jim  Bridger,  a  well-known  frontiersman,  who  had  been  with 
the  Indians  since  he  was  fourteen  years  old,  was  the  post 
guide.  He  was  reticent  and  hard  to  know,  but  a  genius  in 
many  ways. 

One  day  the  Overland  stage  from  Omaha  arrived,  and  an 
English-looking  gentleman  stepped  out  and  inquired  in  the 
“sutler’s  store”  for  both  the  post  trader  and  for  me.  He  deliv¬ 
ered  letters  of  introduction  from  General  Sheridan,  stating 
that  he  was  a  captain  in  the  British  Army  on  a  journey  around 
the  world  for  the  purpose  of  writing  a  book,  and  that  he  wished 
to  see  Jim  Bridger.  (Cut  150.) 

We  took  him  to  call  on  Bridger,  who  lived  alone  in  one  of 
the  officers’  quarters.  We  found  the  old  man  looking  grave 
and  solemn.  Our  English  friend  plied  him  with  questions, 
stating  he  had  been  told  by  General  Sheridan  that  he,  of  all 
others  on  the  Western  plains,  could  give  him  the  most  thrilling 
reminiscences  regarding  the  exciting  scenes  of  the  settlement 
of  the  frontier. 

Bridger  made  no  advances,  appearing  like  a  child,  reluctant 


106 


SECOND  PERIOD 


to  “show  off.”  The  captain  continued  his  conversation  in  his 
most  winning  way  and  earnestly  requested  the  old  scout  to 
tell  them  something  interesting.  Finally,  Bridger  told  the 
following  story: 

“Well,  I  think  the  most  thrilling  adventure  I  ever  had  on 
the  frontier  was  in  the  winter  of  1855,  when  Jack  Robinson 
and  I  went  trapping,  about  two  hundred  miles  down  the 
Green  River  in  the  Ute  country.  We  knew  the  Utes  were 
unfriendly,  but  we  did  not  think  they  were  war-like,  so  we  got 
two  horses  and  a  pack  outfit,  and  in  December  went  into  camp 
on  the  Green  River.  We  had  spent  two  months  trapping,  and 
were  about  ready  to  return,  when  early  one  morning  we  saw 
a  large  party  of  warriors  coming  up  the  stream.  We  had  only 
time  to  saddle  our  horses,  gather  our  rifles  and  ammunition 
and  mount.  We  estimated  their  party  at  about  one  hundred, 
and  started  up  the  river  at  full  speed,  abandoning  everything 
we  had  in  camp. 

“As  we  became  hard  pressed,  one  of  us  would  dismount  and 
fire,  then  mount  and  pass  the  other,  and  he  would  dismount 
and  fire,  and  so  continuing,  checking  our  pursuers  until  we 
gained  some  ground.  Their  horses  were  not  only  fresh,  but 
they  had  lead  horses  with  them,  which  gave  them  great 
advantage  over  us,  who  had  but  one  horse  each. 

“We  continued  this  method  of  defense  all  day,  and  by  night 
had  killed  thirty  of  the  Indians.  But  our  horses  were  so  tired 
we  feared  the  enemy  would  take  us. 

“At  the  foot  of  a  mountain,  where  there  was  dense  timber, 
we  took  shelter  about  dusk,  knowing  the  Indians  would  not 
follow  in  the  dark.  We  spent  the  night  in  great  fear  as  to 
what  would  become  of  us  the  next  day.  Knowing  that  at 
dawn  they  would  be  after  us,  we  started  to  lead  our  horses 
out  of  the  valley,  but  had  no  sooner  started  than  we  heard  the 
Indians  behind  us. 

“We  continued  our  defense  until  about  two  o’clock,  when 
we  had  killed  thirty  more  of  the  Indians.  This  left  only  about 
forty  to  continue  the  pursuit,  but  they  did  not  seem  at  all 


AFTER  THE  WAR 


107 


discouraged.  If  anything,  they  were  more  active  than  ever. 

“By  this  time,  our  broken  horses  began  to  give  way  at  the 
knees.  Observing  a  narrow  canyon,  we  concluded  to  follow 
it  as  it  gave  us  a  better  chance  of  defense  than  the  open.  This 
canyon  was  narrow,  with  a  swift  stream  running  down  it,  and 
we  made  our  way  as  fast  as  we  could  for  two  or  three  miles, 
when,  looking  around,  we  saw  immediately  in  our  rear  the 
whole  force  of  Indians. 

“Matters  were  desperate.  The  canyon  walls  were  perpen¬ 
dicular,  three  hundred  feet  high,  and  growing  narrower  every 
mile.  Suddenly,  around  a  bend  in  the  canyon,  we  saw  a  water¬ 
fall,  two  hundred  feet  high,  completely  blocking  our  exit.” 

Here  Mr.  Bridger  paused.  The  captain,  all  aglow  with 
interest,  cried  anxiously,  “Go  on,  Mr.  Bridger;  go  on!  How  did 
you  get  out?” 

“Oh,  bless  your  soul,  Captain,”  answered  Bridger,  “we  never 
did  get  out.  The  Indians  killed  us  right  there.” 

This  closed  the  interview.  Though  I  have  never  heard  of 
his  book,  I  dare  say  the  captain  did  not  include  this  story 
in  it. 

While  I  was  at  Fort  Bridger,  the  regular  army  was  increased 
from  thirty  to  sixty  thousand  men,  making  each  of  the  three 
battalions  of  the  nine  new  regiments  a  full  regiment.  The 
vacancies  thus  created  were  filled  by  meritorious  volunteers, 
so  that  many  regular  officers  were  set  back  many  years  in 
prospective  promotions.  The  first  battalion  of  my  regiment 
remained  the  18th,  the  second  battalion  the  27th,  and  the  third 
battalion  the  36th,  which  resulted  in  many  changes  of  stations 
and  locations,  but  I  retained  my  company,  H,  of  the  18th. 

In  my  administration  and  discipline  of  the  garrison  at  Fort 
Bridger  I  adopted  as  far  as  I  could  the  moral  suasion  ideas 
of  Charlie  Naylor.  Instead  of  punishing  the  men  by  confining 
them  in  the  guard  house  for  trial,  I  had  the  post  carpenter 
construct  a  very  unprepossessing  wooden  horse  and  a  wooden 
sword  about  six  feet  long,  with  its  business  end  painted  a 
bloody  red.  Any  man  reported  for  any  disorderly  conduct 


I Oft 


108 


Moral  Suasion  Horse  at  Fort  Bridger. 


Sioux  Tepee  Captured  at  Slim  Buttes, 
with  Keogh’s  Guidon  and  Capturing  Officers. 
(Text,  167.) 


AFTER  THE  WAR 


109 


had  to  ride  this  horse  for  a  certain  period,  dismounting  occa¬ 
sionally  to  curry  and  water  it  with  currycomb  and  water 
bucket.  This  method  of  punishment  proved  most  efficient,  as 
the  men  soon  came  to  dread  “riding  the  horse”  a  great  deal 
more  than  they  did  spending  a  month  in  the  guard  house. 

While  at  Fort  Bridger,  about  a  thousand  Shoshone  Indians 
came  in,  camping  near  the  post  for  a  couple  of  months. 
Having  a  telegraph  line  and  a  military  operator,  I  sent  for  the 
most  intelligent  of  the  Indians,  and  told  them  we  would  talk 
over  the  wire.  They  were  much  mystified,  and  could  not 
understand  when  I  told  them  I  sent  the  words  over  the  wire. 
Finally  I  gave  one  the  wire  to  hold  so  he  could  feel  the  mes¬ 
sage  going  through  him.  While  the  Indians  are  stoics  and 
their  outdoor  life  prevented  the  shock  from  affecting  them  as 
it  would  a  white  man,  they  threw  their  hands  up  when  the 
current  passed  through,  understanding  for  the  first  time  there 
really  was  something  that  went  over  the  wire.  Later  they 
used  this  knowledge  in  cutting  down  and  burning  the  poles 
and  destroying  the  wire  to  keep  the  whites  from  telling  where 
they  had  been  in  mischief,  and  to  prevent  the  soldiers  from 
following. 

When  I  first  arrived  at  Fort  Bridger,  the  volunteer  garrison 
was  equipped  with  Spencer  breech-loading  carbines.  I  turned 
i  in  my  muzzle-loading  Springfields  and  equipped  my  two  com¬ 
panies  with  the  Spencers  which,  of  course,  had  heavy  metallic 
cartridges,  Cal.  .50.  Our  equipment  consisted  of  the  regular 
old-fashioned  cartridge  box  for  paper  cartridges  to  be  carried 
in  tin  cases  inside  the  leather  boxes,  and  were  wholly  unsuited 
for  metallic  cartridges.  I  furnished  mounted  guards  and 
patrols  to  the  daily  Overland  Mail,  and  the  metallic  ammuni¬ 
tion  carried  in  these  tin  boxes  rattled  loudly,  and  were  even 
noisy  when  carried  by  men  afoot. 

So  I  devised  a  belt,  which  the  post  saddler  manufactured  out 
of  leather,  with  a  loop  for  each  of  the  fifty  cartridges.  The 
men  wore  these  belts  around  their  waists,  and  they  proved 


110 


SECOND  PERIOD 


much  more  comfortable  and  efficient  than  any  other  method 
of  carrying  cartridges. 

W.  A.  Carter,  the  sutler,  was  going  to  Washington,  and 
suggested  that  he  procure  me  a  patent.  This  patent  was  the 
foundation  of  my  various  subsequent  patents,  which  enabled 
me  to  change  the  method  of  carrying  cartridges,  not  only  in 
our  own  army,  but  in  the  armies  throughout  the  world,  and 
by  which  I  eventually  made  an  independent  fortune. 

I  remained  in  command  of  Bridger  until  the  spring  of  1867, 
when  I  was  ordered  to  escort  Gen.  G.  M.  Dodge,  chief  engineer 
of  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad,  on  a  recognizance  to  find  a  route 
from  the  vicinity  of  Salt  Lake,  via  the  Snake  River,  to  some 
point  in  Oregon  or  Washington  State  for  a  branch  road  to  the 
Pacific.  We  were  two  months  going  west  of  the  Rocky  Moun¬ 
tain  Range  via  Snake  River,  and  returning  through  the  south 
pass  at  the  head  waters  of  the  North  Platte  River.  We  finally 
abandoned  the  expedition  when  we  reached  Fort  Sanders, 
Wyoming. 

General  John  A.  Rawlins  accompanied  the  expedition,  on 
the  advice  of  his  physician,  he  being  afflicted  with  tuberculosis, 
and  was  a  very  interesting  companion. 

From  Sanders  I  reported  to  Fort  Fetterman,  where  my  regi¬ 
ment  established  headquarters,  after  the  return  of  Colonel 
Carrington’s  expedition,  abandoning  the  posts  of  Reno,  Philip 
Kearny,  and  F.  C.  Smith.  The  regular  route  to  Fort  Fetterman 
via  Fort  Laramie  was  twice  the  distance  across  the  mountains, 
so  I  took  no  wagon  transportation,  but  only  the  men  carrying 
rations.  We  had  a  very  difficult  march,  but  succeeded  in 
arriving  long  before  the  wagons  carrying  our  baggage  via 
Laramie. 

I  remained  at  Fetterman  during  the  winter  of  ’67,  but  in 
the  spring  went  to  Fort  Sedgwick,  where  Colonel  Carrington 
had  a  large  post  of  seven  companies,  most  of  them  of  his  own 
regiment.  These  isolated  posts  were  thoroughly  cut  off  from 
civilization. 

I  remember  a  humorous  incident  that  occurred  there  one 


AFTER  THE  WAR 


111 


day.  There  being  no  chaplain  or  civil  authorities  for  hun¬ 
dreds  of  miles  in  any  direction,  their  functions  were  neces¬ 
sarily  sometimes  performed  by  the  adjutants  of  the  military 
posts.  One  day  the  adjutant,  Lieutenant  Carroll  Potter,  invited 
Captain  Morris  and  me  to  go  with  him  across  the  Platte  River 
to  Julesburg,  where  he  said  he  was  going  to  perform  a 
marriage. 

When  the  ambulance  drove  up  to  Potter’s  porch,  Morris 
and  I  heard  him  call  “Lizzie,  Lizzie,  bring  me  the  prayer 
book.”  His  wife  brought  the  prayer  book,  and  he  put  it  in 
his  coat,  asking,  “Have  you  turned  down  a  leaf?” 

“Yes,  Carroll,  I  have.” 

Arriving  at  the  town,  we  were  escorted  to  a  small  building 
where  we  found  about  twenty  persons  congregated  to  witness 
the  ceremony.  Drawing  the  prayer  book  from  his  pocket  and 
opening  it  at  a  turned-down  page,  Potter  started  out  on  the 
service  in  a  vigorous,  solemn  and  authoritative  tone,  as 
follows: 

“I  am  the  resurrection  and  the  life,  saith  the  Lord.  He  that 
believeth  in  me  though  he  were  dead,  yet  shall  he  live,  and 
whosoever  liveth  and  believeth  in  me  shall  never  die.” 

By  this  time  his  voice  began  to  fall,  and  he  said :  “Hold  on. 
I  think  I’ve  got  the  wrong  place!”  Remembering  his  wife  had 
turned  down  a  leaf  for  him  to  read  the  burial  service  a  short 
time  before,  he  turned  quickly  to  the  proper  service  and 
finished  the  ceremony,  with  many  apologies. 


112 


Marriage 

Up  to  this  date  I  had  had  no  thought  of  marriage  and,  con¬ 
sequently,  had  made  nothing  of  what  little  opportunity  there 
was  to  associate  with  female  society.  Now,  realizing  that  I 
was  to  settle  down  in  a  quiet  way  as  a  captain  of  infantry,  I 
began  to  think  that  it  was  time  to  marry,  if  I  ever  intended  to 
do  so.  I  resolved  to  take  a  leave  for  the  purpose  of  looking 
for  a  “household  mate.” 

Recruiting  at  Zanesville,  I  had  made  the  acquaintance  of 
the  best  men,  hut  paid  little  attention  to  young  ladies,  though, 
from  my  office  window  on  Main  Street,  I  had  observed  a 
quartet  known  as  the  “Cassel  girls.”  Their  father  was  the 
handsomest  man  in  the  city,  and  one  of  the  most  respected, 
and  the  girls  were  in  a  class  by  themselves.  They  knew  every¬ 
body,  were  accosted  by  everybody,  and  were  respected  and 
admired  by  all.  They  were  all  fine  musicians,  and  sang  in  the 
church  choir.  They  were  carefully  reared,  but  their  position 
was  such  that  they  felt  free  to  do  many  things  other  girls  would 
hesitate  to  do  for  fear  of  criticism. 

Everywhere  I  sought  the  acquaintance  of  girls  I  thought 
might  fill  my  requisition  for  a  wife.  I  have  always  believed 
that  women  should  have  as  many  rights  as  men,  and  that  a 
man  and  his  wife  should  be  equal  partners  in  all  that  relates 
to  human  affairs.  From  my  first  recollection,  I  have  been  a 
“Woman’s  Rights”  man,  although  at  that  time  there  were  very 
few,  even  women,  who  believed  in  such  rights.  There  were  a 
few  women  at  this  time  who  dared  advocate  such  things  as 
equal  rights  in  schools  and  colleges,  but  they  were  usually 
maltreated,  insulted,  and  even  made  the  target  for  rotten  eggs. 
Rut  that  did  not  change  my  opinion  as  to  the  kind  of  woman 
I  wished  for  a  partner  in  life. 

I  had  not  been  long  on  leave  when  I  visited  Zanesville  and 
sought  the  acquaintance  of  the  Cassel  girls.  A  friend,  Charlie 
Converse,  took  me  to  call,  and  I  met  all  four.  I  was  greatly 
attracted  by  the  brilliancy  of  conversation,  beauty  of  features 


MARRIAGE 


113 


and  bright  expression  of  the  second  daughter,  and  asked  Miss 
Hannah  Cassel’s  permission  to  call  again.  I  have  since  learned 
that  while  discussing  my  visit  with  her  sisters  that  night,  she 
remarked,  “I  am  going  to  have  some  fun  with  that  fellow.” 

Although  deeply  impressed  with  her  beauty  and  charms,  I 
felt  it  only  fair  to  explain  my  views  to  her  and  find  out  whether 
she  possessed  the  qualities  I  hoped  to  secure  in  a  wife  before 
asking  her  to  marry  me. 

We  took  many  rides  and  walks  together,  during  which  I 
gradually  told  her  my  sole  purpose  in  securing  leave  of  absence 
was  to  select  a  household  mate;  I  told  her  my  story  fully,  that 
I  was  thirty-four,  born  and  raised  on  a  poor  man’s  farm  until 
eighteen,  and  about  my  failing  at  West  Point  and,  ashamed 
to  return  to  my  father,  making  a  living  for  myself.  I  described 
the  subsequent  sixteen  years  of  struggles  and  the  experience 
which  made  me  a  captain  in  good  standing  in  the  army.  I  was 
plain  about  having  no  prospective  patrimony  or  no  expecta¬ 
tions,  save  the  patent  cartridge  equipment  which,  with  per¬ 
sistent  work  and  improvement,  I  hoped  would  finally  be 
adopted  by  the  army  to  my  ultimate  profit.  I  told  her,  too, 
of  my  only  other  source  of  financial  expectation,  my  lots  and 
a  house  in  the  town  of  El  Paso.  Although  the  town  had  been 
practically  destroyed  by  the  war  and  the  Mexican  War  against 
Maximilian,  I  believed  even  then  it  would  some  day  become 
a  city  and  my  property  become  valuable. 

It  was  easy  to  tell  her  she  had  impressed  me  beyond  all 
others  by  her  beauty,  vivacity,  and  her  apparent  courage  to 
fight  the  battle  of  life.  In  these  sixteen  years  I  had  satisfied 
myself  I  had  been  endowed  with  sufficient  physical  and  moral 
strength  and  ambition  to  acquire  an  independence  and  the 
respect  of  the  world,  provided  I  could  find  a  woman  endowed 
with  the  courage  to  assist  me  as  an  equal  partner  in  life.  I 
had  always  believed  that  women  should  possess  the  same 
rights  as  men;  that  their  needs  were  equal  to  those  of  men; 
that  their  aspirations  should  be  in  the  same  direction  as  those 
of  men;  but  I  knew  that  imperious  custom  had  forced  woman 
into  an  inferior  position  in  life,  so  that  the  best  hopes  of  many 


114 


SECOND  PERIOD 


mothers  were  for  their  daughters  to  marry  someone  who  could 
support  them,  without  other  exertion  on  their  part  than  to 
adorn  themselves.  In  spite  of  this  prevailing  idea  I  was  look¬ 
ing  for  a  woman  who  would  disregard  the  tyranny  of  society 
and  undertake  to  do  whatever  was  necessary  in  mental  and 
physical  labor  to  acquire  such  means  and  reputation  as  would 
enable  us  to  leave  the  world  better  than  we  found  it;  all  of 
this  I  discussed  with  her  fully  and  plainly. 

She  was  at  this  time  twenty-two  years  old.  She  had  had 
a  private  school  education,  including  a  year  at  the  Catholic 
convent  in  the  city,  but,  beyond  that,  she  had  improved  her 
mind  by  books  and  reading  far  beyond  what  was  taught  at 
the  schools.  More,  she  was  liberal  minded,  had  few  prejudices 
and,  like  myself,  was  ambitious  to  play  some  part  in  the  world. 
She  had  many  suitors,  but,  luckily  for  me,  she  was  heart  whole 
and  fancy  free.  Her  parents  were  in  good  circumstances,  and 
she  and  her  sisters  had  always  been  provided  with  more 
luxuries  than  most,  so  she  realized  that  if  she  married,  she 
would  have  to  sacrifice  much  to  become  a  successful  home¬ 
maker.  Her  views  of  life  came  not  only  from  her  parents, 
but  from  her  great  aunt,  Hannah  Martin,  a  cultured  English 
woman,  for  whom  she  was  named,  and  with  whom  she  had 
been  associated  since  childhood.  She  had  the  reverence  for 
her  aunt  that  I  had  for  my  great  grandmother. 

I  was  wedded  to  my  profession,  and  my  salary  was  a  hun¬ 
dred  and  fifty  dollars  a  month.  It  would,  of  course,  increase 
by  promotions  and  length  of  service  pay,  but  as  my  stations 
would  probably  be  among  the  Indians  in  the  far  West,  where 
there  was  no  desirable  civilian  society,  and  perhaps  but  a 
half  dozen  ladies  at  the  post,  the  woman  who  was  willing  to 
become  my  mate  would  have  to  sacrifice  all  the  allurements 
of  Eastern  society  and  content  herself  with  the  drumly  inci¬ 
dents  of  military  life  on  the  plains.  Be  sure  I  showed  her  I 
had  sufficient  sentiment  to  make  a  good  lover,  and  so  I  told 
her  she  was  the  one  I  wanted  for  a  lifelong  partner,  asking 
her  to  deliberate  on  it  for  some  days  before  answering. 
Shortly  she  told  me  she  was  given  to  rebel  against  many  of 


115 


Anson  Mills  and  Nannie  Cassel,  Day  Before  Marriage. 


Anson  Mills,  Day  Before  Marriage,  with  “Big  Four"  Cassel  Girls. 


116 


SECOND  PERIOD 


the  conventionalities  of  society,  that  she  believed  she  could 
make  all  the  sacrifices  necessary,  and  was  willing  to  under¬ 
take  it. 

During  one  of  our  picnics  where  there  were  some  half-dozen 
girls  and  boys  (among  the  girls  I  remember  best  were  Lucy 
and  Maine  Abbott  and  Julia  Blandv),  we  took  our  refresh¬ 
ments  to  a  stream  in  the  woods  near  the  town.  After  eating, 
the  girls  sought  the  water  to  wash  their  fingers,  soiled  with 
cakes  and  jellies.  I  induced  Miss  Cassel  to  come  a  little  way 
from  the  rest  up  the  stream,  to  show  her  a  good  place  to  wash 
her  hands.  Then,  not  knowing  others  were  within  hearing,  I 
said,  “Miss  Cassel,  how  tall  are  you?” 

She  replied,  “Five  feet,  three.” 

“Just  tall  enough  to  enter  the  army,”  I  answered. 

Immediately  the  girls  below  began  to  giggle,  and  during  the 
rest  of  the  day  and  the  journey  home  one  would  occasionally 
cry  out,  “Just  tall  enough  to  enter  the  army.”  I  did  not  hear 
the  last  of  the  incident  for  some  time. 

Shortly  after,  our  engagement  was  announced,  and  the  date 
of  the  ceremony  set  for  October  13th. 

My  leave  being  about  to  expire,  I  returned  to  Fort  Sedgwick, 
but  applied  for  another  leave  the  first  of  October,  expressing 
my  purpose  of  getting  married. 

I  had  accumulated  three  thousand  dollars  in  the  bank,  which 
I  took  with  me.  Miss  Cassel  and  I  spent  this  money  together 
in  the  stores  for  such  household  equipment  as  we  concluded 
would  be  necessary.  We  had  our  photographs  taken  the  day 
before  we  were  married. 

On  the  13th  of  October  we  were  duly  united.  We  had  a  very 
simple  wedding,  with  only  relatives  and  close  personal  friends 
of  the  family  present.  I  remember  the  venerable  Mr.  Cushing, 
a  friend  of  the  family,  who  was  then  in  his  eighties.  When 
he  came  to  bid  the  bride  good-bye,  he  remarked,  “Hannah,  I 
am  going  to  kiss  you,  for  this  is  perhaps  the  last  time  I  shall 
ever  see  you,”  and  it  was. 

As  Miss  Cassel  in  her  family  and  among  her  intimate  friends 
was  always  “Nannie,”  and  as  I  always  spoke  of  her  and 


MARRIAGE 


117 


addressed  her  by  that  name  after  we  were  married,  I  shall 
hereafter  refer  to  her  so,  thinking  it  unsuitable  in  so  intimate 
a  reminiscence  as  this  to  he  too  formal. 

Earlier  I  have  referred  at  length  to  my  forebears  and  the 
history  of  my  family.  Nannie’s  family  is  equally  as  well 
rooted  in  American  history  as  mine. 

Her  father,  William  Culbertson  Cassel,  was  horn  in  Franklin 
County,  Pennsylvania,  in  1817,  and  was  the  son  of  Jacob  Cassel, 
who  was  horn  in  Lancaster  County,  Pennsylvania,  in  1775. 
His  father  was  born  off  the  coast  of  Ireland  on  a  vessel  which 
was  wrecked  there,  and  on  which  his  parents  were  coming 
from  Germany  to  this  country. 

Mr.  Cassel’s  mother  was  Elizabeth  Culbertson,  born  in 
Franklin  County,  Pennsylvania,  in  1779,  and  married  there  to 
Jacob  Cassel,  in  1796.  The  Culbertsons  were  a  Scotch-Irish 
family,  who  settled  in  Pennsylvania  before  the  Revolution,  in 
which  many  of  them  took  an  active  part.  This  family  is  very 
completely  described  in  “The  Culbertson  Genealogy,”  by  Lewis 
R.  Culbertson. 

Nannie’s  mother  was  Lydia  Martin,  born  in  Morgan  County. 
Ohio,  in  1822,  and  married  there  in  1840.  Her  family  were 
English  and,  as  one  old  record  states,  were  largely  composed 
of  “jolly,  fox-hunting  parsons.”  Her  father,  Samuel  Martin, 
one  of  nine  children,  was  horn  in  Trowbridge,  England,  in 
1796.  He  received  an  excellent  education,  studying  medicine 
in  London.  In  1819  Dr.  Martin,  after  his  father’s  death,  started 
to  Liverpool  with  his  older  brother,  Alfred,  to  come  to  Amer¬ 
ica.  They  were  overtaken  by  a  message  telling  them  of  their 
mother’s  death.  They  waited  over  one  vessel,  so  their  sisters 
could  join  them,  and  all  come  together  to  the  new  country. 
One  of  these  sisters  was  Hannah  Hippisly  Martin,  Nannie’s 
great  aunt,  who  lived  with  Nannie’s  parents  for  many  years, 
and  who  was  affectionately  called  “Auntie”  by  all.  Nannie 
received  a  great  part  of  her  training  from  her,  as  did  the  other 
Cassel  children— Elizabeth,  Leila,  Kate,  and  the  one  son 
Samuel  who  died  in  1865  at  the  age  of  22.  Nannie  was  horn 
in  Zanesville,  Ohio,  on  September  29,  1846. 


118 


119 

THIRD  PERIOD 

Travels  West  and  East 

We  arrived  at  Fort  Sedgwick  on  October  16th. 

My  quarters  were  half  a  knock-down  double  house,  made 
in  Chicago,  the  other  half  occupied  by  the  adjutant,  Lieutenant 
Potter. 

When  Nannie  first  heard  the  drums  beat  for  guard  mount, 
she  called,  “Anson,  where  in  the  world  did  all  these  officers 
come  from?”  referring  to  the  gaily  decked  soldiers  assembling 
for  guard,  showing  how  little  she  knew  of  the  army.  There 
were  only  half  a  dozen  officers  in  the  post. 

The  day  we  arrived,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Potter  asked  us  to 
luncheon.  Potter  sat  at  the  head  of  the  table  facing  a  door 
opening  into  the  yard. 

While  we  were  seating  ourselves,  a  large  yellow  cat  came 
in,  jumped  on  a  chair,  and  looked  over  the  table.  Potter 
excitedly  raised  his  hands  ^bove  his  head,  exclaiming,  “Lizzie! 
Lizzie!  Look  at  that  cat.  I  hate  a  cat,  but  damn  a  yellow  cat!” 

Nannie  as  yet  knew  nothing  of  the  army  or  the  West,  and 
I  could  see  that  she  was  about  ready  to  run,  impressed  with 
the  idea  that  Potter  had  gone  stark  mad.  But  my  former 
classmate,  though  eccentric,  was  an  excellent  man  and  officer, 
and  Nannie  grew  to  like  him  as  her  acquaintance  with  him 
and  the  army  progressed. 

Potter’s  five-year-old  boy  often  came  to  our  dining  room 
and  invited  himself  to  meals.  He  asked  numberless  unanswer¬ 
able  questions,  one  of  which— while  helping  himself  to  the 
sugar,  was  “Why  does  a  sugar  bowl  have  two  handles?” 

The  South  Platte  country  around  Fort  Sedgwick  is  supposed 
to  be  that  visited  by  Coronado  in  his  far  northward  explora¬ 
tions  from  Mexico  (see  my  address  to  the  Order  of  Indian 
Wars,  page  390). 

It  is  also  claimed  by  the  Book  of  Mormon  that  here  were 
the  final  battles  between  the  descendants  of  the  two  lost  tribes 
of  Israel,  supposed  to  have  made  their  way  to  North  America. 


120 


THIRD  PERIOD 


Legend  has  it  that  one  of  the  tribes  developed  into  a  highly 
civilized  white  race,  the  other  into  a  dark-skinned  race  of 
roving  habits,  ancestors  of  our  Indians.  The  two  became 
enemies  and  the  white  race  was  exterminated;  more  than  a 
million  men,  women  and  children  being  killed.  The  book 
claims  this  contest  between  the  Indians  and  the  civilized  whites, 
who  had  built  cities  and  made  great  advancement  in  civiliza¬ 
tion.  continued  for  many  hundreds  of  years  throughout  the 
continent  with  varying  defeats  and  victories,  but  the  final 
disappearance  of  the  white  race  occurred  in  this  part  of  the 
West. 

We  purchased  a  one-horse  buggy,  with  which  Nannie  and  I 
explored  many  miles  in  every  direction  through  the  roadless 
prairie  country.  The  only  road  followed  the  North  Platte 
toward  Denver.  The  Indians  were  comparatively  peaceable, 
and  we  went  where  we  would,  with  an  escort  of  two  or  three 
cavalrymen. 

For  household  help,  Nannie  had  a  woman  cook,  and  her 
soldier  husband,  Lenon,  did  many  chores  about  the  house,  but 
otherwise  Nannie  managed  the  household;  made  my  shirts, 
underwear  and  stockings,  doing  all  the  mending  and  keeping 
me  neat.  We  apportioned  certain  allowances  from  my  salary 
for  necessities,  cutting  everything  to  the  lowest  possible  cost. 
Table  supplies  purchased  from  the  commissary  were  to  cost 
no  more  than  thirty  dollars  per  month.  It  was  Nannie’s  work 
to  keep  within  the  allowances,  so  that  we  might  lay  by  money 
each  month  for  a  rainy  day.  She  kept  this  rule  throughout 
our  equal  partnership. 

Although  her  education  in  household  economy  and  manage¬ 
ment  was  incomplete,  she  was  quick  to  learn.  But  her  time 
was  not  all  spent  in  housekeeping.  The  garrison  of  five  com¬ 
panies  of  the  18th  Infantry  and  two  of  the  2d  Cavalry  had 
an  occasional  dance  or  ball,  which  she  greatly  enjoyed  and 
became  prominent  as  a  dancer  and  in  the  social  life  of 
the  post. 

There  were  no  settlements  for  a  hundred  miles  in  any  direc- 


TRAVELS  WEST  AND  EAST 


121 


tion.  Julesburg,  three  miles  across  the  river,  was  one  of  the 
largest  stations  because  of  its  proximity  to  the  post.  The  river 
was  a  torrential  stream,  half  a  mile  wide,  and  its  quicksands 
made  it  almost  impassable.  In  the  winter,  when  ice  crowded 
the  channels,  it  was  difficult  to  cross  with  any  kind  of  vehicle. 
The  nearest  posts  were  Fort  Omaha,  Nebraska,  three  hundred 
and  fifty  miles  east,  and  Fort  D.  A.  Russell,  at  Cheyenne,  two 
hundred  and  fifty  miles  west.  These  distant  points  were  the 
only  ones  with  a  sufficient  degree  of  civilization  to  entice  visits. 
The  Union  Pacific,  just  completed  to  these  points,  with  the 
capable  assistance  of  the  army,  adopted  the  generous  policy 
of  giving  passes  to  officers  and  their  families  desiring  to  visit 
these  remote  posts,  so  that  during  our  six  months’  stay  at 
Sedgwick  we  attended  a  regimental  hall  of  the  9th  Infantry  at 
Omaha,  and  a  regimental  hall  of  the  30th  Infantry  at  Fort 
D.  A.  Russell.  These  were  about  the  only  diversions  we  had 
from  the  monotonous  life  of  the  garrison  at  Sedgwick. 

Nannie  knew  the  expense  of  visiting  home  would  he  so  great 
she  probably  would  not  see  her  family  again  for  two  years, 
and  she  did  not;  but  she  was  sometimes  homesick,  and  more 
than  once  I  saw  her  with  dampened  eyes. 

Feeling  the  necessity  for  a  large  army  obviated  by  the  nearly 
accomplished  reconstruction.  Congress  passed  a  law  decreas¬ 
ing  the  army  from  sixty  to  thirty  thousand,  in  1870.  The  law 
stopped  promotions  pending  that  event  to  absorb  as  many 
surplus  officers  as  possible.  In  April,  1869,  my  regiment  was 
ordered  to  Atlanta,  Georgia,  with  five  others,  to  be  consoli¬ 
dated  into  three  regiments  of  infantry.  Half  the  officers  of 
these  regiments  were  on  sick  leave  or  detached  service,  but 
when  it  was  announced  that  the  officers  retained  would  be 
those  best  suited  for  service,  nearly  every  ill  officer  in  each 
regiment  immediately  recovered!  No  one  wanted  to  be 
ordered  home  for  discharge,  with  even  a  year’s  pay  and 
allowances. 

We  left  by  rail  to  Omaha,  took  steamboat  to  Memphis,  and 
finished  the  journey  to  Atlanta  by  rail. 


122 


THIRD  PERIOD 


The  influx  of  these  six  regiments,  with  almost  a  full  com¬ 
plement  of  officers,  rendered  even  the  quarters  of  a  complete' 
regimental  post  insufficient.  The  unmarried  officers  lived  in 
tents,  the  married  ones  crowding  the  houses.  It  often  hap-< 
pened  that  eight  captains  with  their  wives  would  be  quartered 
in  eight  rooms.  This  discomfort,  added  to  summer  heat,  ren¬ 
dered  life  almost  unbearable,  but  deciding  who  was  to  remain 
and  who  to  be  sent  on  waiting  orders  occupied  time.  Mean¬ 
while,  concentration  of  too  many  people  caused  various  con¬ 
tagious  diseases,  especially  typhoid,  to  become  epidemic. 

However,  the  consolidation  was  finally  accomplished,  the 
16th  merging  with  the  18th,  retaining  that  designation,  and  I 
retaining  my  captaincy  in  Company  H. 

General  Ruger  was  mustered  out  as  General  of  Volunteers 
and  assigned  to  the  colonelcy  of  the  18th.  A  most  excellent 
executive  officer,  he  soon  had  us  organized  and  assigned  to 
comfortable  quarters  with  nearly  all  the  officers  present.  Gen¬ 
eral  Upton  was  assigned  as  lieutenant  colonel.  He  was  then 
developing  his  tactics  and  selected  Captain  Christopher  and 
myself  to  review  with  him  every  Saturday  the  progress  he 
had  made,  and  to  apply  during  the  week  his  new  principles 
of  tactics  in  drilling  our  companies,  and  occasionally  a  bat¬ 
talion. 

Nannie  and  I  had  now  lived  long  enough  together  to  dis¬ 
cover  our  appraisement  of  each  other  was  correct.  We  each 
had  sufficient  sentiment  to  make  us  permanent  lovers  and, 
better  still,  we  each  had  such  perfect  digestions  and  such  an 
intense  sense  of  the  humorous  as  to  make  us  content  with  our 
surroundings  wherever  and  whatever  they  might  be.  Best  of 
all,  we  were  each  blessed  with  enough  courage,  self-denial 
and  ambition. 

I  purchased  foot-power  lathes,  drills,  etc.,  to  develop  models 
of  my  various  patents  in  belts  and  equipment.  I  installed 
them  in  one  of  her  best  rooms  in  each  succeeding  one  of  per-l 
haps  twenty  posts,  soiling  the  carpets  with  grease,  filings  and 
shavings,  which  would  have  driven  most  wives  mad.  Nannie 


TRAVELS  WEST  AND  EAST 


123 


not  only  endured  patiently,  but  encouraged  and  assisted  in 
.  the  work.  She  was  also  my  amanuensis  for  sixteen  years, 
until  I  became  proficient  on  the  typewriter,  I  believe  the  first 
army  officer  to  do  so. 

j  The  Secretary  of  War  ordered  that  any  officers  of  the  newly 
organized  regiments  of  infantry  and  artillery  who  so  desired 
j  could  apply  for  transfer  to  the  cavalry,  to  fill  the  vacancies 
caused  by  the  stoppage  of  promotions.  I  was  so  restive  and 
likely  to  be  contentious  that  duty  in  the  infantry,  where  I 
would  have  little  to  do,  I  feared  might  lead  me  into  contro¬ 
versies.  I  thought  the  better  opening  for  success  would  be  in 
the  cavalry,  but  as  I  knew  the  cavalry  would  be  among  the 
hostile  Indians  and  farthest  away  from  civilization,  I  left  it 
jto  Nannie  to  decide  whether  our  mutual  success  would  be 
enhanced  by  the  transfer  and  whether  she  was  willing  to 
make  it.  She  decided  that  my  prospects  would  be  bettered 
by  participation  in  the  hazardous  and  more  serious  duties  of 
the  cavalry,  so  I  applied  for  transfer. 

After  recovering  from  a  severe  case  of  typhoid  that  summer, 
Nannie,  by  her  lively  character  and  natural  accomplishments, 
assumed  a  prominent  place  in  the  regiment,  and  was  one  of 
the  chief  organizers  of  the  many  dances,  balls,  and  other  social 
gatherings  which  we  had  during  our  stay  at  this  post. 

A  large  regimental  ball  was  scheduled  for  December  29th, 
and  Nannie  invited  her  sisters,  Lulie  and  Katie,  to  visit  her  in 
time  for  this  event.  In  those  days  it  was  unusual  for  young 
ladies  to  travel  long  distances  alone,  and  their  parents  were 
uneasy  about  the  journey.  They  should  have  arrived  at 
Christmas,  but  floods  intervened,  and  they  reached  Atlanta 
on  the  28th  at  four  o’clock  in  the  morning. 

I  wrote  my  parents-in-law  immediately,  handing  the  letter 
to  Captain  Ogden,  who  promised  to  mail  it.  Some  days  after, 
I  received  a  telegram  inquiring  what  had  become  of  the  two 
girls.  On  questioning  Captain  Ogden,  I  found  he  still  had  the 
letter  in  his  pocket! 

Lulie  and  Katie  were  beautiful,  and  in  the  prime  of  their 


124 


THIRD  PERIOD 


girlhood,  and  were  much  sought  after  at  dances  and  other 
social  gatherings. 

Among  their  admirers  was  Captain  Kline  of  the  regiment, 
an  efficient  but  reserved  young  officer,  who  took  a  fancy  to 
Lulie,  and  early  asked  if  I  would  permit  his  attentions  to  my 
sister-in-law,  to  which,  of  course,  I  found  no  objection.  On 
account  of  his  reserve,  he  had  more  difficulty  in  speaking  than 
I  had  in  similar  circumstances,  and  another  embarrassment 
intervened  when  he  was  ordered  with  his  company  to  Barnett, 
South  Carolina,  a  full  day’s  journey  away.  However,  a  court 
martial  was  being  organized,  and  knowing  how  agreeable  duty 
at  Atlanta  would  be  for  him,  friends  procured  his  assignment 
to  the  court. 

Still  he  was  not  entirely  happy.  We  had  only  four  rooms 
and  a  kitchen,  and  were  therefore  pretty  crowded;  and  the 
hall  was  our  dining  room.  Nannie,  Katie,  Lulie  and  I  occupied 
the  sitting  room  in  the  evenings,  so  his  chances  alone  with 
Lulie  were  few. 

The  court,  of  which  I  was  president,  often  had  officers 
absent  for  a  few  days  at  a  time.  Regulations  prescribed  that 
a  returning  absentee  retire  until  the  case  being  tried  was  fin¬ 
ished;  the  formula  of  the  presiding  officer  being,  “Those  mem¬ 
bers  of  the  court  who  have  not  participated  in  previous  pro¬ 
ceedings  will  please  retire.”  One  evening,  when  Captain  Kline 
appeared  rather  early,  and  we  were  engaged  in  conversation 
in  which  Lulie  and  the  Captain  did  not  appear  to  be  interested, 
I  called  out,  “The  members  of  this  court  who  have  not  par¬ 
ticipated  in  previous  proceedings  will  please  now  retire,” 
whereupon  Nannie,  Katie  and  I  sprang  to  our  feet  and  retired 
to  our  room  upstairs. 

In  one  of  her  letters  to  her  mother,  Nannie  wrote,  “Doesn’t 
the  mother  of  Pauline  say,  in  the  ‘Lady  of  Lyons,’  something 
about  ‘losing  a  daughter,  but  gaining  a  prince.’  Well,  if  being 
a  mighty  good,  honest  fellow  is  any  claim  to  royalty,  you  will 
gain  a  prince  surely  when  Major  Kline  becomes  a  son-in-law.” 

No  two  girls  ever  had  a  gayer  time  for  the  four  months  they 


TRAVELS  WEST  AND  EAST 


125 


were  with  us.  They  had  a  large  mirror  with  a  dressing  table 
under  it,  and  when  they  left  we  discovered  they  had  worn  out 
the  carpet  for  a  space  of  live  feet  in  diameter  in  front  of  it, 
primping  before  the  glass. 

They  left  us  reluctantly  the  first  of  May,  much  to  the  dis¬ 
appointment  of  the  numerous  unmarried  youngsters.  Lulie 
shortly  after  married  Captain  Kline.  Katie  married  Mr. 
George  H.  Stewart,  of  Zanesville,  where  they  still  live. 

Next  autumn,  with  two  months’  leave,  we  went  to  visit  my 
wife’s  parents,  whom  she  had  not  seen  for  two  years.  Nannie 
was  delighted  when  a  passenger,  surmising  from  our  conduct 
that  we  were  bride  and  groom,  asked  if  we  were  on  our  honey¬ 
moon. 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  Cassel  were  happy  to  have  us  with  them  again. 
In  these  two  months  I  made  a  most  intimate  acquaintance  with 
my  father-in-law.  He  took  me  everywhere,  to  his  office  in  the 
daytime  and  to  his  clubs  at  night.  An  expert  driver  and  an 
admirer  of  horses  and  horse  racing,  he  often  drove  me  behind 
fast  trotting  animals,  sometimes  to  the  races.  Neither  he  nor 
Mrs.  Cassel,  like  my  own  parents,  attended  church.  All  four 
greatly  respected  all  religious  denominations,  but  saw  none 
they  honestly  believed  was  the  only  true  church. 

Mrs.  Cassel  was  very  affectionate,  and  her  children  were 
very  near  to  her,  so  she  was  much  distressed  at  Nannie’s  long 
absence.  Mr.  Cassel  asked  me  if  it  would  not  be  better  for 
me  to  resign,  offering  to  start  me  in  his  occupation,  the  milling 
business.  He  proposed  to  give  me  sufficient  means  and  go 
with  me  to  Kansas  to  establish  the  enterprise.  I  had  seen 
enough  of  the  world  to  understand  the  uncertainty  and  vicis¬ 
situdes  of  business  life  compared  to  a  commission  in  the  regu¬ 
lar  army.  So  I  thanked  him,  but  said  that,  notwithstanding  I 
knew  it  would  be  a  great  gratification  to  Mrs.  Cassel,  I  was 
certain  of  my  present  calling  for  life,  and  although  my  com¬ 
pensation  was  slight,  Nannie  was  satisfied,  and  loved  the  pro¬ 
fession  as  much  as  I  did.  In  this  point  of  view  he  finally 
concurred,  and  Mrs.  Cassel  also  became  reconciled. 


126 


THIRD  PERIOD 


Returning  to  my  regiment  at  Atlanta,  I  found  my  company 
with  E  Company  had  been  ordered  to  Laurens  Court  House, 
South  Carolina,  because  South  Carolina  was  then  in  the  throes 
of  reconstruction,  with  carpetbaggers  and  Ku  Klux  Klan  in 
full  swing. 

We  had  rail  transportation  to  Newberry,  but  from  Newberry 
the  railroad  had  been  denuded  of  rolling  stock,  so  that  our 
journey  to  Laurens  was  made  on  a  handcar,  propelled  by  two 
soldiers. 

The  two  companies  were  quartered  in  abandoned  Confed¬ 
erate  residences.  Nannie  and  I  stayed  at  Mr.  George  F. 
Mosely’s  hotel.  He  was  a  kind  and  generous  host,  who  took 
particular  care  to  meet  our  wants.  During  the  few  weeks 
Nannie  remained  we  made  many  acquaintances,  being  invited 
out  to  dine  by  the  best  people  in  the  town. 

One  dinner  was  given  by  Col.  Wm.  D.  Simpson  (later  Gov¬ 
ernor  and  still  later  Chief  Justice  of  his  State),  previously  in 
affluent  circumstances,  but  now  poor.  In  the  dining  room  he 
remarked  that  as  his  servants  had  all  left  him  he  had  devised 
a  round  center  table  which  turned  on  its  support  to  take  their 
place.  All  the  courses  were  arranged  so,  as  a  guest  wanted 
anything,  he  could  turn  this  table  until  the  contents  arrived 
opposite  his  plate! 

We  had  been  guests  at  the  hotel  for  several  weeks  when  a 
young  man  in  the  uniform  of  a  captain  of  cavalry  arrived  at 
the  hotel  to  see  me  privately.  In  my  room  he  told  me  he  was 
not  an  army  officer,  but  a  United  States  marshal,  direct  from 
the  Secretary  of  War,  with  warrants  for  the  arrest  of  about 
sixty  prominent  persons  of  Laurens  County.  He  did  not  wish 
to  arrest  all  for  whom  he  had  warrants,  but  only  those  most  ( 
guilty  of  participation  in  the  riots  and  murders.  Under  in¬ 
structions  from  the  Secretary  he  read  me  the  names  on  the 
warrants  and  asked  suggestions  as  to  whom  he  should  elimi¬ 
nate.  Among  these  names  was  that  of  my  host.  As  I  had 
heard  nothing  to  lead  me  to  think  him  guilty,  I  suggested  that 
his  name  be  stricken  from  the  list,  which  was  done. 


TRAVELS  WEST  AND  EAST 


127 


I  immediately  sent  Nannie  to  Newberry  on  the  handcar. 
At  one  place  on  the  way  the  Ku  Klux  obstructed  the  rails  with 
ties  presumably  to  rescue  prisoners  that  we  might  attempt  to 
spirit  away.  At  another  place,  where  the  highway  was  near 
the  rails,  she  met  General  Carlin  at  the  head  of  the  16th  In¬ 
fantry  marching  toward  Laurens  with  the  band  playing  mar¬ 
tial  airs.  More  than  a  thousand  hilarious  and  frenzied  negroes 
of  all  kinds,  from  the  aged  to  babes  in  arms,  followed  the 
band.  Nannie  stopped  the  car  to  enjoy  the  amusing  spectacle, 
and  finally  burst  out  in  a  laugh,  when  her  servant,  Maria,  who 
had  gone  with  her,  exclaimed,  in  disgust,  “Mrs.  Mills,  niggers 
ain’t  got  no  sense  nohow!” 

That  night  I  arranged  a  room  in  the  abandoned  railroad 
depot  for  the  prisoners,  disposing  my  men  behind  cotton  bales 
piled  upon  the  platform  to  resist  any  efforts  at  rescue  by  the 
Ku  Klux  organizations.  The  marshal  informed  me  that  Lieu¬ 
tenant  Colonel  Carlin  would  arrive  at  about  twelve  o’clock 
with  sixteen  companies  of  infantry,  and  convey  the  prisoners 
to  Columbia. 

Two  small  detachments,  under  the  command  of  Lieutenants 
Adams  and  Bates,  made  the  arrests,  while  Lieutenant  Hinton, 
officer  of  the  day,  took  charge  of  the  prisoners  as  they  arrived. 
The  marshal  went  first  with  one,  then  with  another,  detach¬ 
ment.  Colonel  Jones,  the  sheriff',  was  one  of  the  first  arrested, 
and  by  ten  o’clock  we  had  some  fifteen  of  the  sixty  mentioned. 
My  host,  Mr.  Moselv,  appeared  and  said  excitedly,  “Why, 
Colonel,  what  does  all  this  mean?  Is  it  true  that  you  have 
arrested  Colonel  Jones?” 

“Yes,”  I  said,  “he  is  in  the  building.” 

“Well,  Colonel,  I  want  to  see  him.” 

Fearing  some  complication,  I  said,  “Mr.  Moselv,  if  you  will 
take  my  advice  you  will  go  back  to  your  hotel  and  remain 
quiet.” 

“But,  Colonel,  Jones  is  my  brother-in-law.  We  are  in  busi¬ 
ness  together.  Are  you  going  to  take  him  away?  I  must  see 
him  if  you  take  him  awav — no  one  will  be  here  to  attend  to 


128 


THIRD  PERIOD 


his  business.  I  must  see  him.  Does  his  family  know  he  has 
been  arrested?” 

I  replied,  “I  don’t  know,”  and  advised  him  to  go  quietly  to 
the  hotel  and  remain  there  until  the  excitement  subsided. 

He  became  offended  and  said,  “Colonel  Mills,  after  all  the 
kindness  I  have  shown  you  and  Mrs.  Mills,  I  think  it  is  as  little 
as  you  can  do  in  return  to  allow  me  the  poor  privilege  of 
seeing  my  friend  in  his  distress.” 

“Very  well,”  said  I,  “you  can  see  him,”  and  calling  the  officer 
of  the  day,  Lieutenant  Hinton,  I  gave  the  necessary  instruc¬ 
tions.  Upon  Mosely’s  entrance,  Colonel  Jones  called  his  name 
and  proclaimed  his  pleasure  in  seeing  him.  The  marshal 
pulled  out  his  list  and  said,  “Excuse  me,  is  your  name  George 
F.  Mosely?”  Informed  that  it  was,  the  marshal  served  the 
warrant  and  made  him  a  prisoner.  When  I  entered  he  burst 
into  tears,  declaring  he  was  the  biggest  fool  in  South  Carolina; 
that  I  had  given  him  the  best  advice  he  had  ever  had,  and  he 
had  not  known  enough  to  take  it.  He  begged  me  to  tell  his 
family  his  condition,  which  I  did. 

Later,  a  Mr.  A.  Kruse,  a  United  States  commissioner,  served 
a  writ  of  habeas  corpus  upon  me,  demanding  the  body  of  pris¬ 
oner  S.  D.  Garlington.  I  had  no  experience  with  writs  of 
habeas  corpus,  and  was  at  a  loss  what  answer  to  make.  To 
delay  him  until  Carlin’s  arrival,  I  questioned  his  authority  as 
such  commissioner.  Courteously  he  informed  me  that  he  had 
a  commission  at  home  with  President  Johnson’s  signature.  He 
left,  and  soon  returned  with  the  document.  I  invited  him  to 
my  room,  from  which  I  had  a  view  of  the  Newberry  highway, 
over  which  Carlin’s  command  would  approach,  and  kept  him 
there  until  I  saw  Carlin’s  command.  Then  I  told  him  it  was 
an  army  regulation  that  an  officer,  not  in  a  permanent  station, 
only  commanded  within  a  radius  of  one  mile,  and  that  I  had 
a  senior  in  the  person  of  Lieutenant  Colonel  Carlin  of  the  16th 
Infantry,  then  approaching,  the  proper  person  on  whom  to 
serve  the  writ.  Kruse  accepted  the  situation,  and  I  intro¬ 
duced  him  to  Colonel  Carlin,  who,  however,  directed  me  to 


TRAVELS  WEST  AND  EAST 


129 


Endorse  upon  the  writ  “refused,  by  order  of  the  Secretary 
if  War.” 

A  Mr.  Hugh  Farley  (brother  of  Farley  of  the  U.  S.  Ordnance 
Horps),  reputed  to  be  at  the  head  of  the  Ku  Klux  which  gath¬ 
ered  in  numbers,  approached  Colonel  Carlin  frequently  with 
equests  to  see  different  prisoners.  As  he  gave  no  good  reason, 
lis  requests  were  refused.  He  followed  Carlin’s  command  to 
:amp  that  night,  strenuously  insisting  upon  another  request; 
vhereupon  the  marshal  arrested  him,  his  name  on  one  of  the 
varrants  having  been  omitted  at  my  suggestion. 

Sixteen  were  carried  to  Columbia,  South  Carolina,  and  im- 
irisoned  in  the  State  penitentiary,  but  I  understood  none  of 
hem  were  convicted. 

Order  being  restored  in  Laurens,  I  was  directed  to  take 
tation  with  my  two  companies  at  Columbia.  There  being  no 
tublic  quarters,  the  quartermaster’s  agent  took  us  to  an  old- 
ashioned  southern  building.  It  was  comfortable  and  com- 

Iaodious,  with  outside  quarters  for  the  colored  servants.  This 
ouse  had  belonged  to  the  late  Dr.  Gibbs,  father  of  a  class- 
late  of  mine,  Wade  Hampton  Gibbs,  who  went  South, 
Dined  the  Confederates,  and  became  a  Colonel  on  the  staff  of 
feneral  Lee. 

Major  Van  Voast,  18th  Infantry,  with  his  wife,  arrived  two 
ays  later,  assumed  command  of  the  post,  and  took  quarters 
/ith  us  in  the  Gibbs  House. 

Carpetbagging  was  in  its  prime  about  this  period.  The 
tlovcrnor,  Chamberlain,  had  been  appointed  by  the  Federal 
uthorities.  Both  senate  and  house  elected  under  Federal 
iws  were  almost  entirely  colored.  The  president  of  the 
!Enate  and  the  speaker  of  the  house  (Moses)  extended  the 
Irivileges  of  the  floors  of  those  chambers  to  Major  Van  Voast, 
lyself,  and  our  wives,  and,  partly  to  acquaint  ourselves  with 
ivernmental  affairs  and  partly  through  curiosity,  we  often 
[tended,  the  Major  and  I  dressed  in  uniform. 

The  trouble  at  Laurens  originated  by  the  Ku  Klux  arming 
lemselves  and  arresting  and  murdering  the  county  officers. 


130 


THIRD  PERIOD 


Carpetbaggers  and  negro  supporters  proposed  a  large  armj 
to  protect  them  against  the  Ku  Klux.  While  we  were  at  z 
session  of  the  house,  a  bill  to  create  a  State  force  of  somi 
thirty  negro  regiments  and  money  to  buy  thirty  thousanc 
Remington  arms  was  introduced.  Seeing  the  folly  of  placing 
so  much  power  in  the  hands  of  the  colored  people,  some  whitt 
man  introduced  an  amendment  that  the  colonels  of  these  regi 
ments  should  be  selected  from  the  regular  army.  A  colorec 
member  denounced  the  amendment,  protesting  that  the  twt 
army  officers  were  present  to  promote  this  bill,  and  should  bt 
ejected  from  the  floor.  This  placed  us  in  a  very  embarrassing 
position.  To  leave  the  hall  in  indignation  would  betray  weak 
ness,  so  we  sat  it  out  for  an  hour,  hearing  many  bitter  ant 
insulting  references. 

Knowing  I  wished  to  transfer  to  the  cavalry,  Colonel  Carlin 
who  was  going  to  Washington,  offered  me  seven  days’  leavt 
and  to  introduce  me  to  the  Secretary  of  War.  But,  Captaii  I 
Mack  had  already  arranged  my  transfer,  and  on  January  1 
1871,  I  was  transferred  to  the  3d  Cavalry  and  ordered  to  th<  1 
headquarters  of  the  regiment  at  Fort  Halleck,  Nevada,  ant 
to  proceed  thence  via  San  Francisco  and  San  Pedro  to  For 
Whipple,  Arizona. 


131 


Nannif/s  Impressions  of  the  West 

In  a  letter  to  her  parents  from  Washington,  January  17th, 
\Tannie  describes  our  good-bye  to  our  company,  as  follows: 

I  can  not  tell  you  how  sorry  I  was  to  leave  Columbia.  I 
really  had  become  very  much  attached  to  the  place,  and  I 
relieve  like  it  better  than  any  city  I  was  ever  in.  I  suppose 
>ne  never  knows  how  much  one  is  thought  of  ’til  they  take 
heir  departure.  The  day  before  we  left,  Anson  received  a 
tote  requesting  his  presence  at  his  company  quarters.  He 
vent  over,  and  saw  a  table  nicely  covered  with  a  red  cloth, 
tnd  on  it  something  which  was  covered  up.  The  first  sergeant 
hen  made  him  a  little  speech  in  behalf  of  the  company  and 
hen,  with  a  majestic  wave  of  his  hand,  uncovered  the  article 
nd  presented  him  with  a  splendid  pair  of  epaulets  and  a  case 
ontaining  two  very  handsome  pistols,  the  whole  costing  nearly 
ighty  dollars.  On  a  paper  inside  was  written  “The  compli¬ 
ments  of  Company  H,  18th  Infantry,  to  their  beloved  Captain, 
mson  Mills,  3d  Cavalry.”  I  went  with  Anson  when  he  bade 
is  old  company  good-bye,  and  it  really  was  very  sad.  I  cried, 
nd  Anson  almost  did.  He  went  along  shaking  hands  with 
ach  one.  It  is  something  to  be  very  proud  of  when  sixty  men 
/ithout  one  exception  like  their  commander,  and  one  of  them 
Did  Anson  that  there  was  not  a  man  in  the  company  but 
egretted  his  going  away.  I  do  not  believe  there  are  many 
ompany  commanders  who  have  won  the  affections  of  their 
len  so  completely. 

We  could  take  but  little  baggage,  so  in  Washington  I  asked 
delay  of  thirty  days  to  leave  our  belongings  with  Nannie’s 
arents  in  Zanesville.  General  Sherman  had,  a  few  days 
efore,  ordered  that  there  should  be  no  more  delays.  When 
applied,  he  said,  “Well,  Captain  Mills,  I  can  not  revoke  my 
rder;  but  in  your  case  I  don’t  object  to  your  taking  a  ‘French,’ 


132 


THIRD  PERIOD 


and  I  don’t  think  vour  colonel  will  make  any  trouble  with  yoi 
if  you  arrive  thirty  days  late.  Should  he  do  so,  refer  him  tc 
me  and  I’ll  see  that  you  get  into  no  trouble  in  the  matter.” 

The  headquarters  and  band  at  Halleck  were  ordered  to  For 
Whipple  via  San  Francisco,  where  I  purchased  an  ambulanct 
for  the  land  journey. 

We  sailed  February  2d  on  the  Government  transport  Ori 
zaha.  We  had  never  been  to  sea,  and  as  it  was  a  beautifu 
day  and  the  waters  of  the  bay  -were  smooth  as  glass,  wTe  con 
gratulated  ourselves  that  we  could  hardly  have  a  bad  time 
But  when  we  struck  the  bar  outside,  the  ship  seemed  to  risi 
at  least  fifty  feet,  and  otherwise  moved  and  rolled  in  ever 
possible  manner.  Nannie  proved  to  be  a  poor  sailor,  whicl 
affliction  she  retained  through  life.  I  fared  better,  but  wa: 
not  immune  and  never  have  been. 

Among  the  many  military  passengers  was  Captain  I.  M 
Hoag,  who  occupied  a  stateroom  next  ours.  As  we  passei 
down  the  smooth  bay  he  claimed  never  to  be  seasick.  I  sooi 
recovered  sufficiently  to  take  lunch,  after  which  I  took  a  chai: 
by  our  stateroom  to  be  near  Nannie.  The  stewardess,  passing 
asked  if  she  could  not  bring  Nannie  some  “nice  jelly  cake,’ 
when  Hoag’s  coarse  voice  broke  out,  “Jelly  cake!  jelly  cake 
Oh,  my  God,  why  does  that  woman  want  to  come  around  talk 
ing  about  jelly  cake!  Give  me  my  bucket.  Give  me  nr 
bucket!” 

We  arrived  at  San  Pedro  (Drum  Barracks)  near  Wilming 
ton,  March  4th. 

Nannie  described  the  eventful  march  from  San  Pedro  t< 
Whipple  Barracks  in  letters  to  her  parents,  better  than  I  couh 
describe  it  now,  as  follow’s: 

March  5th. 

My  Dear  Mother  : 

As  you  may  imagine,  we  are  very  busy  making  arrange 
ments  for  our  w^agon  trip.  Anson  is  having  our  vehicle  fixei 
up  ’til  a  queen  might  be  proud  to  ride  in  it.  He  is  having  i 
covered  with  white  canvas,  and  he  bought  an  elegant  greei 


NANNIE’S  IMPRESSIONS  OF  THE  WEST 


133 


blanket  to  line  the  top  to  keep  off  the  heat  and  protect  the 
eyes.  It  has  curtains  all  ’round  to  roll  up  to  let  the  air  in,  and 
at  night  we  can  take  out  the  seats,  make  up  a  bed  in  the  bot¬ 
tom,  and  there  is  a  large  front  curtain  which  shuts  everything 
in  and  keeps  out  the  damp.  He  is  going  to  have  pockets  inside 
to  put  little  articles  in,  and  altogether  it  is  as  convenient  and 
elegant  a  thing  as  one  could  imagine,  and  I  am  very  proud 
of  it,  especially  as  he  got  it  on  purpose  for  me.  We  expect  to 
lave  a  very  nice  time  on  the  route.  There  are  quite  a  number 
if  officers  going,  but  no  other  ladies.  I  am  very  glad  we  are 
going  with  this  party,  as  we  would  not  have  had  as  good  a 
ffiance  probably  for  a  long  time,  and  very  likely  would  have 
lad  to  go  by  stage,  which  would  have  been  very7  unpleasant. 

Anson  is  ordered  on  a  court  martial  at  Date  Creek,  which 
s  on  our  road,  so  we  will  have  to  stop  there.  We  received  a 
etter  from  Lieut.  Ebstein  (you  remember  his  picture  in  the 
group),  who  is  at  Date  Creek,  asking  us  to  stop  there. 

I  do  not  expect  to  get  really  settled  this  year,  for  there  does 
eem  to  be  some  truth  in  the  old  saying  about  the  first  of 
anuary  determining  the  rest  of  the  year. 

If  possible  I  will  write  to  you  while  we  are  on  the  march, 
mt  if  I  do  not  you  need  not  be  surprised,  although  I  think  I 
hall,  but  you  know  it  is  very  hard  to  write  after  riding  so  far 
nd  getting  so  tired,  but  I  shall  try  to  write  to  you  if  it  is  only 
few  lines,  so  as  to  keep  you  from  being  anxious. 

This  place  (Drum  Barracks)  is  on  the  coast  and  twenty- 
ve  miles  from  Los  Angeles,  which  latter  place  is  said  to  be 
le  paradise  of  the  whole  United  States.  A  woman  came  here 
bday  from  there,  and  she  was  carry  ing  in  her  hand  a  branch 
roken  from  an  orange  tree,  just  full  of  large  oranges,  just  as 
e  at  home  might  have  a  branch  full  of  apples. 


March  9th. 

j«i  We  actually  did  leave  this  morning,  and  made  twenty-five 
dies,  which  is  a  pretty  long  trip  for  a  first  day’s  march.  The 
ay  was  lovely,  and  the  road  a  nice,  level  one,  nothing  par- 


134 


THIRD  PERIOD 


ticularly  interesting,  however,  ’til  we  neared  Los  Angeles, 
which  has  been  called  the  garden  of  the  United  States,  and 
then  we  came  to  the  orange  groves  with  the  ripe  fruit  hanging 
on  the  boughs,  peach  trees  in  bloom,  lemon  trees,  and  we  saw 
in  one  place  some  men  harvesting  barley.  Rank  green  weeds 
grew7  all  along  the  roadside,  in  some  cases  as  high  as  your 
head,  w'hile  pretty  little  red  and  yellow  wild  flowers  covered 
the  meadows,  and  the  meadow  larks  sang  so  gaily  that  it  in¬ 
spired  Anson  to  repeat  a  piece  of  poetry  on  the  lark,  not  thal 
I  mean  to  say  that  my  hubby  dear  mounted  the  little  songstei 
to  spout  forth  the  flow  of  poetic  words,  but  the  subject  of  the 
piece  wras  “The  Lark.”  My  first  day’s  experience  in  this  line 
has  been  very  pleasant.  We  are  camped  in  a  beautiful  spoi 
before  getting  to  w'hich  we  had  to  cross  one  of  my  much 
dreaded  streams,  which  was  nothing  at  all  and  wouldn’t  scare 
a  chippy.  Los  Angeles  is  quite  a  town,  and  if  any  angels  take 
a  notion  to  visit  this  mundane  sphere  and  namesake,  I  advise 
them  to  put  up  at  the  Pico  House,  wdiere  we  went  in  to  dinner 
The  house  is  a  clean,  nice  place,  Brussels  carpet,  lace  curtains 
mirrors,  piano,  etc.,  in  the  parlor,  and  a  very  nice  dinner- 
fresh  peas,  cauliflower,  etc.;  but  that  which  struck  my  fancy 
most  w7as  an  open  court  in  the  center  of  the  building  in  which 
a  fountain  was  playing,  and  in  a  gallery  running  all  ’rounc 
the  second  story,  looking  down  on  this  fountain,  were  fastenec 
numerous  plants  in  pots  and  bird  cages.  As  we  left  the  house 
three  Mexicans  were  playing  on  a  harp,  violin  and  flageolet 
which  completed  a  very  romantic  picture. 

We  invested  eighteen  dollars  in  apples,  lemons  and  oranges 
and  Anson  also  found  some  fresh  tomatoes,  all,  of  course 
grown  in  the  open  air,  for  it  never  frosts  here.  It  looks  strange 
to  see  the  tropical  fruit  growing  while  snow-capped  mountains 
look  down  on  them. 

Our  tent  is  pitched,  our  bed  made  down,  and  everything  is  | 
very  easy;  our  only  regret  is  that  dear  Lizzie  did  not  conn  i 
with  us.  Anson  repeatedly  expresses  his  regret  that  she  die 
not. 


NANNIE’S  IMPRESSIONS  OF  THE  WEST 


135 


Our  carriage  is  perfectly  splendid;  in  fact  I  don’t  see  how 
people  can  possibly  exist  without  a  carriage. 

I  was  made  very  happy  last  night  by  receiving  a  letter  from 
lome,  the  first  one  since  we  left.  It  was  addressed  to  Drum 
larracks.  We  have  not  as  yet  received  those  directed  to  Hal- 
eck,  but  they  will  be  forwarded  to  us.  We  also  got  two  news- 
lapers,  and  one  the  day  before,  which  were  devoured. 

March  12th. 

We  are  camped  in  the  loveliest  spot  you  ever  saw.  A  little 
nountain  stream  runs  rapidly  down  on  one  side  of  us,  the 
nountains  on  another,  the  wagon  road  on  another,  and  on  the 
>ther  the  valley  stretches  miles  and  miles  away  in  the  direc- 
ion  where  lies  our  road.  The  ground  (Cocomonga  Ranch) 
belongs  to  a  Mexican  who  owns  a  tract  of  land  nine  miles 
quare,  over  fifty  thousand  acres.  One  hundred  and  seventy 
if  it  is  planted  in  a  vineyard.  All  of  this  work  is  done  by 
ndians,  civilized,  of  course.  Anson  brought  one  boy  down 
o  see  me,  or  rather  for  me  to  see  him.  They  jabbered  away 
i  Mexican  together  at  a  great  rate.  Anson  can  speak  a  good 
eal  of  Spanish,  carried  on  a  conversation  very  well,  and  is 
ast  relearning  what  he  had  forgotten  of  it. 

I  forgot  to  tell  you  that  we  saw  flying  fish  and  porpoises 
/hile  we  were  coming  down  on  the  steamship. 

Last  night  Anson  and  I  climbed  a  mountain,  and  a  mighty 
teep  one  it  was,  but  we  were  rewarded  when  we  reached  the 
ummit  by  a  most  lovely  view  on  all  sides.  I  think  the  moun- 
lin  is  probably  an  extinct  volcano,  as  something  like  lava 
!>as  all  over  it.  It  also  had  quantities  of  wild  flowers  on  it. 
The  nearer  you  get  to  the  Indians  the  less  you  hear  of  them, 
here  are  no  wild  Indians  this  side  of  the  Colorado  River, 
nd  very  few  tame  ones.  It  is  perfectly  safe  to  travel  alone 
s  far  as  the  Colorado  River,  which  is  almost  half  of  our 
mrney;  after  that,  an  escort  is  necessary,  although  the  mail 
)ach  travels  almost  all  the  way  with  no  escort  at  all.  You 
feed  have  no  fears  for  us,  as  even  if  they  do  not  furnish  a 
\gular  escort  in  the  Indian  country,  there  are  enough  of  us 


136 


THIRD  PERIOD 


to  do  without,  as  there  are  thirty  men  in  the  party.  By  th 
time  you  get  this  we  will  probably  be  at  Date  Creek,  wher 
we  stop  for  a  while  on  that  court. 

March  21. 

When  I  last  wrote  to  you  we  had  gone  ten  miles  on  th 
desert;  we  have  now  gone  one  hundred  and  twenty-three  mile 
over  the  same  desert,  only  some  was  worse,  and  I  suppose  i 
is  the  same  thing  until  we  reach  the  Rio  Colorado,  which  i 
now  only  forty-nine  miles.  To  fully  describe  the  trip  sine 
my  letter  would  be  impossible,  for  one  can  have  but  a  fain 
idea  of  it  unless  they  were  to  go  over  the  same  country.  I  ha< 
no  idea  that  such  a  forlorn  district  was  comprised  within  th' 
limits  of  the  United  States.  To  begin  at  the  beginning,  afte 
leaving  the  Sulphur  Springs  of  which  I  told  you,  we  travele< 
eighteen  miles  through  deep  sand,  which  is  the  hardest  thin; 
imaginable  on  the  poor  mules,  for  their  feet  being  very  smal 
sink  deep  in,  the  last  few  miles  being  through  choking  dusi 
We  reached  Indian  Wells,  a  large  station  consisting  of  on 
house,  or,  more  properly  speaking,  hovel,  where  they  sel 
water.  There  are  some  poor  Indians  here  whom  one  can  no 
help  but  pity.  They  had  heard  that  the  government  intendec 
moving  them  away  onto  a  reservation,  and  when  they  foun< 
our  train  was  coming  said  they  wanted  to  see  an  officer.  Th' 
chief  and  the  interpreter  (who  spoke  Indian  and  Spanish 
came  down,  and  Anson  went  over  to  talk  to  them.  The  poo 
old  chief  said  he  did  not  want  to  harm  any  one,  but  he  wa 
born  in  that  place,  and  he  wanted  to  die  there,  which  assertioi 
you  would  wonder  at,  could  you  hut  see  the  place  and  knov 
that  they  have  not  even  tents  or  huts  to  live  in,  but  lie  dowi 
in  the  sand.  Anson  brought  them  over  to  our  tent  to  give  then 
something  to  eat.  The  old  chief  was,  I  suppose,  gotten  up  fo 
the  occasion,  and  was  attired  in  a  clean  white  shirt  and  a  hat 
that’s  all,  which  was  at  the  same  time  unique  and  cool.  The;  ! 
both  shook  hands  with  Anson  on  leaving,  and  trudged  off 
barefooted,  through  the  sand  and  cactus  to  their  home  (?).  I 
made  me  feel  badly  to  see  them,  the  descendants  of  Monte 


nannie’s  impressions  of  the  west 


137 


euma,  reduced  to  such  a  state  of  humiliation.  They  have  a 
>trange  custom  in  regard  to  their  dead.  They  burn  the  body, 
md  then  break  over  the  ashes  all  the  oyas  or  earthen  jars 
vvhich  once  belonged  to  him.  The  next  day  we  went  eighteen 
niles  through  a  dreadful  sand-storm,  which  blinded  and 
choked  men  and  mules.  After  reaching  Martinez,  however, 
he  sand  stopped  blowing  over  us,  or  we  might  have  been 
compelled  to  eat  for  dinner  the  same  kind  of  pies  which  we 
ised  to  make  when  we  were  children — mud  pies. 

The  next  day  we  traveled  2G  miles  to  “Dos  Palmas,”  which 
neans  two  palms;  but  someone  burnt  up  one  of  them,  so  the 
lame  is  hardly  proper  now.  Anson  told  me  to  be  sure  to  tell 
mu  that  we  have  seen  a  real  palm  tree,  and  he  went  bathing 
inder  its  foliage.  It  was  indeed  an  oasis  in  the  desert  to  see 
his  beautiful  tree  standing  alone  in  its  glory.  I  wish  you 
iould  have  seen  it,  for  it  was  most  lovely.  Something  else 
here  was  not  quite  so  lovely;  we  had  some  rolls  baked  by  the 
nan  who  keeps  the  station  house,  and  for  ten  large  rolls  he 
harged  three  dollars  in  coin.  The  next  day  at  half  past  five 
ve  were  on  our  way  again,  traveled  sixteen  miles,  where  they 
ested  and  watered  the  mules,  and  then  on  again  to  a  dry' 
amp,  which  explains  itself,  there  being  no  water  for  the 
nules.  We  could  carry  with  us  enough  to  drink,  hut  in  the 
norning  we  rubbed  off  our  faces  with  a  wet  towel,  for  we 
ould  not  spare  water  for  a  greater  ablution.  We  were  off 
rery  early  next  morning,  for  the  mules  could  get  no  water  ’til 
ve  had  traveled  twenty-four  miles.  There  is  a  stretch  here 
if  thirty-five  miles  where  they  always  have  to  make  a  dry 
amp.  Three  more  days  and  we  reach  the  river,  where  we  rest 
few  days,  and  then  only  six  more  days.  At  Martinez,  one  of 
he  mules  had  a  great  big  piece  taken  out  of  its  breast  by  a 
mil  dog,  and  Anson  actually  turned  Vet.  and  sewed  it  up,  and 
lid  it  well,  too.  A  horse  died  at  this  place  last  night,  and 
oday  the  Indians  are  making  merry  over  its  carcass,  eating  it. 
was  interrupted  while  writing  this  letter  by  the  tent  blowing 
own. 


138 


THIRD  PERIOD 


March  28. 

We  camped  at  Ehrenberg  four  days,  during  that  time  hat 
two  dreadful  wind-storms.  Anson  had  great  big  stones  pilec 
on  all  the  tent  pins,  as  the  ground  was  not  very  hard,  but  th< 
tent  shook  and  flapped  until  it  would  have  been  almost  a  reliei  1 
to  have  had  it  go  over.  We  went  to  bed,  however,  and  ii 
about  fifteen  minutes  after,  a  terrific  gust  brought  the  whoh 
thing  down  with  a  crash.  The  worst  feature  of  it  was  that  i 
tore  a  piece  out  of  the  tent  so  that  it  could  not  be  put  up  again 
so  we  very  coolly  slept  under  the  ruins  all  night.  This  i: 
Tuesday,  and  we  expect  to  be  at  Date  Creek  on  Saturday 
They  say  they  are  making  great  preparations  there,  and  art 
going  to  have  a  dance,  and  expect  some  ladies  down  froir 
Fort  Whipple. 

March  29th. 

We  came  twenty-eight  miles  today.  Wind-storm  part  of  the 
way,  which  is  heavy  enough  to  make  us  fear  another  blow 
down,  so  we  are  going  to  sleep  in  the  ambulance.  Anson  has  i 
taken  out  the  seats  and  we  will  have  the  bed  right  on  the  floor 
which  is  large  enough  to  be  very  comfortable.  I  am  in  it  now  i 
and  feel  perfectly  satisfied,  as  I  have  none  of  that  nervous 
uncomfortable  feeling,  which  the  flapping  of  a  tent  in  the  wine 
is  sure  to  give  one. 

Date  Creek,  April  1st. 

Although  this  is  All  Fools’  Day,  what  1  am  going  to  tell  you 
is  no  joke,  but  sober  reality.  Yesterday  found  us  forty-five 
miles  from  the  creek,  and  as  Captain  Meinhold,  Mr.  Kimball, 
one  of  the  wagons  and  four  mounted  men  were  going  to  make 
it  in  one  day  while  the  rest  of  the  party  would  have  to  be  two 
days,  we  concluded  to  go  on  with  the  small  escort,  as  everyone 
assured  us  there  was  not  the  least  bit  of  danger.  We  rode 
gaily  along,  and  were  within  eleven  miles  of  the  post,  wheo 
Anson  saw  one  of  the  horsemen  ride  up  to  something,  stop  i 
and,  taking  out  his  carbine,  cock  it.  He  looked  again,  saw  a 
lot  of  wagons,  and  said,  “there  is  a  train.”  We  rode  a  fev 
yards  farther  and  found  that  a  train  of  five  wagons  and  forty- 


nannie’s  impressions  of  the  west 


139 


eight  mules  had  been  attacked  by  Indians  (as  we  afterwards 
learned  only  a  few  hours  before  we  got  there).  Three  miles 
before  we  reached  there  I  forgot  to  tell  you  that  we  heard  a 
wailing  sort  of  sound  and  saw  a  stray  mule.  This  sound  was 
undoubtedly  a  signal  from  an  Indian  sentinel  to  the  party 
robbing  the  train,  giving  them  warning  that  another  party  was 
coming,  and  for  them  to  get  off.  The  Indians  were  no  doubt 
at  work  on  the  train  when  we  heard  this  noise.  Imagine  the 
feelings  of  all.  We  did  not  know  but  that  Indians  were  lurk¬ 
ing  behind  every  bush.  They  had  cut  the  harness  from  all  the 
mules  and  captured  all  of  them  excepting  three.  They  had 
emptied  out  sack  after  sack  of  flour  and  carried  off  the  sacks 
to  make  clothes,  leaving  the  flour  piled  all  around.  Boxes 
were  broken  open,  and  it  really  was  a  dreadful  sight,  when  the 
position  of  affairs  which  we  were  in  was  thought  of,  and  my 
being  there  was  the  first  thing  that  they  all  thought  of.  They 
concluded  to  turn  ’round  and  go  to  meet  the  rest  of  the  train 
to  give  them  warning,  as  well  as  for  the  safety  of  ourselves. 
For  one  moment  I  wanted  to  cry,  the  next  I  laughed  actually  a 
little  bit,  and  after  that  I  was  not  in  the  least  afraid.  Anson 
directed  me  not  to  shoot  until  they  got  pretty  close,  if  we  came 
across  them.  I  laid  the  pistol  on  the  seat  of  the  ambulance, 
and  my  hand  on  the  pistol,  ready  to  cock  it  at  a  moment’s 
warning,  and  I  feel  sure  if  Mr.  Lo  had  made  his  appearance  I 
should  have  hurt  at  least  one  of  them.  They  supposed  by  not 
seeing  any  bodies  lying  around  that  the  men  had  escaped  to  the 
post  and  sent  men  out  after  the  Indians.  We  met  our  train, 
and  camped  for  the  night.  The  next  morning  (today)  we 
started  for  the  post.  When  we  came  up  to  where  the  attack 
was  made  we  found  that  soldiers  had  been  sent  and  were 
guarding  the  place.  I  should  have  been  glad  that  all  this  scare 
happened  in  order  to  teach  everybody  caution,  but  that  it  came 
too  late  to  teach  one  poor  fellow,  and  perhaps  another,  for  one 
teamster  was  killed  and  another  badly  wounded,  and  they  were 
both  lying  somewhere  near  when  we  came  up,  but  the  wounded 
one  must  have  been  unconscious  or  he  would  have  heard  us 


40 


THIRD  PERIOD 


and  let  us  know  he  was  there.  There  were  eight  men  with 
this  captured  train,  plenty  to  have  defended  it  had  they  been 
prepared,  but  in  an  Indian  country,  they  were  traveling  with 
but  two  guns  and  three  rounds  of  ammunition.  It  has  taught 
me  one  good  lesson.  I  shall  never  go  outside  of  the  post  with¬ 
out  a  sufficient  escort,  and  when  we  get  to  Whipple  I  never 
mean  to  go  even  to  Prescott,  which  is  only  a  mile  distant,  but 
mean  to  stay  inside  of  the  post  ’til  we  change  stations.  Every¬ 
body  has  felt  so  safe  all  about  here,  and  ladies  from  this  post 
would  ride  with  only  one  gentleman  for  miles  and  miles  over 
the  hills,  but  they  are  well  scared  now.  This  train  was  mostly 
filled  with  government  stores,  and  I  am  very  much  afraid  that 
the  papers  will  make  a  big  talk  about  it,  and  as  it  was  so  close 
to  ours,  you  will  think  it  was  ours,  and  worry  unnecessarily 
about  it  before  you  receive  my  letter.  You  need  have  no  fears 
about  our  safety,  as  there  is  no  danger  of  their  attacking  sol¬ 
diers  that  travel  in  such  numbers  as  we  will  hereafter. 

We  were  very  happy  in  getting  a  lot  of  letters  today  which 
had  been  sent  down  from  Whipple.  We  got  three  of  home 
written  to  Halleck,  one  from  Texas,  Washington,  Kentucky, 
Columbia,  London,  Fort  Shaw,  Fort  Laramie.  Quite  a  variety, 
and  as  another  mail  comes  in  tonight,  we  expect  some  more 
in  the  morning. 

I  am  sorry  to  hear  of  dear  mother’s  being  so  sick  after  we 
left,  but  glad  she  is  well  again. 

Mrs.  Ebstein  has  her  sister  with  her.  They  are  very  pleas¬ 
ant  and  very  kind  to  us.  They  tell  us  that  Whipple  is  one  of 
the  healthiest  of  places,  and  also  has  about  the  best  quarters 
in  the  territory. 

I  forgot  to  tell  you  that  one  of  the  savages  dropped  a  quiver 
full  of  arrows  as  he  was  hurrying  off  with  his  plunder,  and  one 
of  the  soldiers  gave  it  to  me.  The  quiver  is  an  ugly  thing,  hut 
I  shall  bring  you  one  of  the  arrows  when  we  come  home  next 
time  as  a  memento  of  our  first,  and  I  hope  last,  Indian  scare. 


nannie’s  impressions  of  the  west 


141 


April  21.  (Fort  Whipple,  Ariz.) 
We  have  been  here  a  week,  and  both  of  us  like  the  post 
very  well,  although  it  is  far  from  being  a  handsome  post  either 
on  the  outside  or  inside,  but  you  know  one’s  content  is  meas¬ 
ured  in  a  great  degree  by  comparison  with  others  that  sur- 

!  round  you,  so  we  are  more  than  contented  with  a  log  house, 
when  we  remember  that  Fort  Whipple  is  one  of  the  few  posts 
in  this  territory  where  they  have  any  quarters  at  all,  almost 
all  being  quartered  in  tents,  men,  women  and  children.  We 
have  fixed  up  very  comfortably,  have  the  carpet  on  the  parlor 
and  gunny  sacks  on  the  dining  room  and  bedroom.  We  have 
the  damask  and  lace  curtains  up  at  the  parlor  windows,  which 
are  arranged  so  as  to  hang  a  good  piece  from  the  windows, 
making  a  sort  of  bow  window  (bowed  the  wrong  way,  how¬ 
ever),  and  as  it  stands  a  good  way  into  the  room  it  helps  fill 
lip,  which  is  a  very  good  thing,  as  articles  of  furniture  are  very 
scarce  at  present;  the  company  carpenter  is  busily  at  work. 
He  has  made  us  one  table  and  a  place  to  hang  clothes.  He 
was  fixing  the  latter,  and  after  he  had  finished  I  gave  him  some 

1  newspapers  to  read  and  some  oranges,  when  he  informed  me 
that  he  could  make  anything  I  wanted,  that  he  hadn’t  much  to 
do  and  might  as  well  do  that  as  anything  else.  I  suppose  you 
would  like  to  see  how  our  house  is  arranged  as  to  rooms,  so 
1  will  make  a  plan  of  the  ground  floor,  and  if  you  can  find  any 
other  floor  you  are  smarter  than  I.  I  wish  I  could  draw,  and 
1  would  send  you  a  sketch  of  the  view  from  our  window,  which 
is  very  beautiful,  mountains  covered  with  pine.  The  wind 
roaring  through  the  pines  sounds  just  like  the  cars.  Anson  has 
laughed  a  great  deal  at  me  because  I  vowed  that  never  would  I 
leave  Fort  Whipple  ’til  we  changed  stations  or  went  home,  and 
actually  I  hadn’t  been  in  the  post  twenty-four  hours  before  I 
was  off  for  town  with  Mrs.  King,  and  have  been  down  town 
ance  since  then.  There  is  no  danger  between  here  and  town, 
is  it  is  only  a  short  distance,  and  before  one  gets  out  of  calling 
distance  of  the  post  the  hospital  is  reached,  and  before  you 
*et  out  of  sound  of  that  the  town  is  reached.  There  is  not 


142 


THIRD  PERIOD 


much  in  Prescott  to  tempt  one,  and  well  it  is  for  our  pockets 
that  this  is  so,  for  the  price  of  some  things  would  make  your 
hair  stand  on  end,  although  other  things  are  quite  reasonable. 
Luckily  for  us  we  can  get  anything  we  want  almost  in  the  com¬ 
missary,  as  it  is  excellently  supplied.  Everything  has  fallen 
in  price  even  in  Prescott,  and  flour  there  is  now  only  thirty- 
six  dollars  a  barrel;  it  was  forty-two  a  short  time  ago.  We 
only  pay  seven  dollars  in  the  commissary.  Butter  is  two  dol¬ 
lars,  eggs  the  same.  I  saw  some  of  the  commonest  kind  of 
heavy  Delft  soup  plates  marked  fifteen  dollars  a  dozen.  We 
bought  a  lamp  in  San  Francisco  for  which  we  paid  seventy-five 
cents.  Mrs.  King  has  two  just  like  it  which  cost  five  dollars 
each,  and  a  parlor  lamp  like  that  which  cost  us  three  dollars 
in  San  Francisco  was  sold  here  for  twenty-five  dollars,  and 
kerosene  oil  is  only  five  dollars  a  gallon.  Mrs.  King  tells  a 
good  joke  on  the  chaplain.  She  went  with  him  to  town  one 
day  to  assist  him  in  making  some  purchases.  After  buying 
some  things  and  paying  for  them  he  spied  some  quart  cans  for 
filling  lamps,  empty,  of  course.  He  wanted  one,  so  asked  the 
price.  He  was  told  “seven  dollars.”  The  chaplain  put  down 
his  bundles  and  money,  raised  his  hands,  heaved  a  deep  groan 
and  uttered  his  favorite  ejaculation,  “tre-men-jious.”  There 
is  only  one  lady  here  besides  myself,  and  fortunately  she  is  a 
very  pleasant  one,  Mrs.  King.  Tell  Gussie  Porter  I  met  her 
friend  Mrs.  King  at  Camp  Halleck,  not  the  Mrs.  King  who  is 
here,  but  another  one.  She  met  Gussie  at  Lancaster,  and  is 
now  in  our  regiment.  She  was  very  pleasant. 

Nannie  describes  this  journey  so  completely  I  can  add  little 
to  it. 

Mr.  Lummis,  librarian  of  the  Los  Angeles  Public  Library, 
asked  me,  in  1908,  as  one  having  something  to  do  with  the 
development  of  the  country,  to  write  something  descriptive  . 
of  its  wonderful  growth,  to  be  placed  in  an  album  for  stran-  i 
gers  visiting  the  library.  T  contributed  the  following: 


NANNIE’S  IMPRESSIONS  OF  THE  WEST 


143 


In  1871,  as  Captain  3d  Cavalry,  with  the  headquarters 
and  band,  my  wife  in  an  ambulance,  I  traveled  from  San 
Pedro  to  Whipple  Barracks,  Prescott,  Arizona.  The  route 
lay  through  Los  Angeles,  then  a  small  adobe  village,  where 
we  stopped  March  9th  at  the  Little  Pico  House,  then  by 
the  now  beautiful  City  of  Redlands,  at  that  time  a  water¬ 
less  cactus  desert,  and  through  the  Salton  Sink. 

In  all  the  tide  of  time  I  think  there  has  not  been  a  more 
instructive  example  of  the  efforts  of  man  to  “replenish  the 
earth”  than  shown  by  the  brave  men  of  Southern  Cali¬ 
fornia  in  the  intervening  thirty-seven  years. 

To  those  who  may  look  over  this  volume  of  autographs 
in  the  future,  I  think  this  simple  statement  of  facts  will 
be  more  interesting  than  any  literary  effort  I  could  pos¬ 
sibly  render. 

The  desert  over  which  we  traveled,  purchasing  water  at 
twenty-five  cents  a  bucket,  is  now  productive  and  beautiful. 
The  Salton  Sink,  through  which  we  passed,  is  a  depression  in 
the  earth  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  long  by  seventy-five 
I  wide,  with  its  lowest  point  two  hundred  and  fifty-six  feet  below 
sea  level.  It  was  formerly  the  northern  end  of  the  Gulf  of 
California,  but  ages  past  was  cut  off  by  the  sand  and  silt  de¬ 
posited  by  floods  of  the  Colorado  River,  the  water  evaporating 
in  the  arid  atmosphere  and  extreme  heat.  Immense  deposits 
of  salt  from  evaporated  sea  water  were  visible,  and  we  saw 
on  the  foot  of  the  adjacent  mountains  the  water-mark  of  the 
sea  level. 

We  arrived  at  Fort  Whipple  on  April  14th,  only  to  be  or¬ 
dered  to  Fort  McDowell  on  the  Verde  River,  one  hundred  and 
twenty-five  miles  distant,  over  an  almost  impassable  road. 
Nannie  tells  the  story  of  that  journey: 

May  12  (New  River). 

Our  first  three  days’  travel  was  very  pleasant,  as  we  had 
good  roads,  and  it  is  much  better  to  travel  with  one’s  own  com¬ 
pany.  We  have  four  mules  in  our  ambulance,  the  back  seat 


144 


THIRD  PERIOD 


of  which  I  occupy  alone  in  my  glory  as  Anson  rides  his  horse. 
We  have  five  six-mule  wagons,  a  teamster,  of  course,  to  each, 
and  over  seventy  men,  so  you  see  we  have  a  very  large  escort. 
Our  fourth  day’s  travel  was  a  little  the  worst  of  anything  I 
have  ever  seen.  Anson  and  Mr.  Wessels  have  traveled  a  great 
deal  and  over  very  had  roads,  but  they  both  say  that  this  was 
the  worst  one  that  they  have  ever  seen.  You  may  judge  how 
had  it  was  when  we  were  from  seven  o’clock  in  the  morning 
’til  six  at  night  going  about  fifteen  miles,  and  the  wagons  were 
an  hour  later.  The  first  nine  miles  was  over  rocks  that  jolted 
the  ambulance  so  that  I  could  hardly  sit  in  the  seat,  and  I  was 
almost  wearied  out.  The  rest  of  the  road  was  up  hill  and  down 
hill,  and  the  most  terrible  hills  that  I  ever  saw — they  were 
almost  perpendicular.  I  walked  several  miles,  because  the 
hills  were  so  had  I  was  afraid  to  ride.  Anyone  living  in  the 
States  would  think  it  an  utter  impossibility  to  take  vehicles  up 
some  places  where  we  went.  One  wagon  was  upset,  and  that 
of  course  caused  a  delay.  You  would  have  been  amused  to 
see  how  they  brought  one  wagon  up  a  hill.  The  wagons  were 
all  lightly  loaded  and  had  six  mules;  they  put  an  extra  pair 
of  mules  in,  one  man  rode  one  of  the  wheel  mules,  another 
walked  on  one  side  with  a  whip,  and  two  boys  were  on  the 
other  with  stones,  pelting  the  mules,  and  with  a  volley  of  oaths 
and  cracking  of  whips,  up  they  came.  One  wagon  was  eased 
down  a  hill  by  twenty  men  taking  hold  of  a  rope  behind,  and 
another  was  helped  up  with  the  men’s  assistance.  It  was  a 
wearisome  day  for  men  and  mules.  This  morning,  when  we 
were  about  a  mile  out,  the  lead  bar  of  our  ambulance  broke,  \ 
which  caused  another  delay  to  fix.  Mr.  Wessels’  horse  got 
lame,  and  a  horse  kicked  one  of  the  mules  so  badly  that  they 
couldn’t  use  him.  We  have  had  a  chapter  of  accidents  for 
two  days,  and  in  addition,  today  we  ran  across  a  fresh  mocca-  j 
sin  track,  evidently  made  today. 

May  18th  (Camp  McDowell). 

We  reached  here  on  the  15th,  being  just  seven  days  on  the 
road.  The  day  before  we  got  in  we  rested  a  day,  as  one  of 


NANNIE’S  IMPRESSIONS  OF  THE  WEST 


145 


the  men  who  had  been  over  the  road  said  there  was  a  thirty- 
five  miles  march  without  water,  and  the  weather  being  warm 
the  men  and  animals  can  do  with  less  water  by  traveling  at 
night,  so  we  left  our  last  camp  at  about  five  o’clock  in  the 
evening  and  traveled  ’til  midnight,  then  rested  for  four  hours, 
spreading  our  bedding  in  the  sand  and  with  the  sky  for  a 
covering,  then  at  four  in  the  morning  starting  again,  and  got 
in  the  post  at  six,  finding  that  the  man  had  made  a  mistake  in 
the  distance,  as  it  was  only  twenty-three  miles.  One  of  the 
mules  strayed  away  and  was  not  found  again. 

We  lived  very  well  on  the  road,  as  we  had  quails,  fresh 
fish,  and  best  of  all,  Anson  shot  a  large  deer  with  his  revolver. 
It  was  a  mighty  good  shot,  as  the  deer  was  a  hundred  yards 
off.  It  weighed  over  a  hundred  pounds  dressed.  We  had  one 
hind  quarter,  kept  the  other  one  for  Major  Dudley,  who  is  in 
command  here,  and  the  rest  made  a  meal  for  all  the  men, 
teamsters  and  laundresses,  so  you  see  it  was  a  pretty  large  one. 
I  told  Anson  father  would  have  enjoyed  it.  You  know  you 
thought  it  would  be  so  unpleasant  for  us  to  be  without  vege¬ 
tables,  well  today  for  dinner  we  had  peas,  lettuce,  and  young 
onions  out  of  the  government  farm.  Anyone  can  have  a  gar¬ 
den  here  if  he  chooses  to  take  the  trouble. 

Our  quarters  are  very  comfortable;  the  houses  are  built  of 
adobe  and  have  three  rooms  and  a  kitchen.  On  first  entering 
the  quarters  you  would  say,  “It  would  be  folly  to  put  down 
carpets  or  attempt  in  any  way  to  fix  up  here,  for  it  would  only 
serve  to  make  the  rest  look  worse,”  but  you  have  no  idea  how 
much  good  a  little  fixing  up  does.  The  floors  are  mud,  which 
is  as  hard  and  as  dry  as  a  bone.  I  have  spread  the  curtains 
out  to  hide  as  much  of  the  wall  as  possible,  and  as  there  is 
only  one  window  I  have  arranged  the  remaining  curtains  in 
festoons  over  and  around  the  front  door,  which  is  half  of  glass. 
The  parlor  is  only  twelve  by  twelve,  so  I  ripped  off  one  breadth 
of  the  carpet  and  turned  it  in  over  a  yard  on  the  length.  The 
post  is  almost  destitute  of  furniture,  so  we  have  a  large  barrel 
covered  with  a  board,  then  a  red  blanket  which,  with  Anson’s 


146 


THIRD  PERIOD 


desk  on  top,  makes  a  respectable  piece  of  furniture;  then  a 
chest  with  the  ambulance  cushions  on  top  and  covered  with 
the  carriage  blanket,  does  duty  as  a  divan,  which,  with  two 
tables  and  three  chairs  furnishes  (?)  the  parlor,  the  bedroom 
being  luxuriously  filled  with  a  bedstead  and  a  washstand,  and 
the  dining  room  being  amply  furnished  with  one  table.  The 
worst  of  it  is  there  is  no  lumber  in  the  post  to  make  any  of. 
I  have  sent  by  one  of  the  wagons  that  went  back  to  Whipple 
for  a  few  articles  of  furniture  I  left  in  the  house,  as  they  have 
plenty  of  wood  up  there  to  make  more.  I  do  not  know  whether 
I  will  get  it  or  not,  as  it  is  not  customary  to  send  furniture 
from  one  post  to  another.  They  have  also  sent  there  for 
lumber,  so  we  will  be  able  to  have  things  made. 

En  route  we  stopped  to  examine  an  ancient  fort  of  eight 
rooms  with  embrasures  on  all  sides  for  defense  probably  for 
bows  and  arrows.  The  walls  were  twelve  feet  high,  but  the 
roof  had  been  destroyed.  Inside  one  of  the  rooms  was  a 
scrubby  cedar  tree,  perhaps  a  hundred  years  old.  While  walk¬ 
ing  around  on  these  walls,  which  were  made  of  thin  broad 
granite  rocks,  evidently  once  held  in  place  by  mortar,  I  dis¬ 
placed  a  stone  which  rolled  down  the  mound,  frightening  a 
large  deer,  which  I  killed  with  my  pistol.  Tied  to  my  horse’s 
tail  after  the  fashion  of  the  Indians,  I  dragged  it  to  the  train. 
It  is  this  deer  of  which  Nannie  writes. 

At  Cave  Creek,  where  there  were  many  cougars  (Mexican 
lions),  I  found  in  a  cave  near  the  spring,  which  was  some  dis¬ 
tance  from  our  camp,  the  remains  of  many  deer  which  had 
been  caught  by  these  lions,  dragged  into  the  cave  and  de¬ 
voured,  some  of  them  being  only  partly  eaten. 

McDowell  was  the  most  unhappy  post  at  which  we  ever 
served.  Its  commander  was  of  an  overbearing,  tyrannical 
disposition,  and  much  addicted  to  drink.  The  post  traders 
abetted  him  and  brought  about  many  quarrels  between  the 
commander  and  the  officers  so  that,  in  the  garrison  of  five 
companies,  there  were  few  friendships. 


Nannie’s  impressions  of  the  west 


147 


At  this  unhappy  station  Nannie  lost  about  twenty  and  I  thirty 
pounds  in  weight. 

One  day  she  said  to  me,  “Anson,  I  am  going  to  Europe  some 
day.” 

“Whom  are  you  going  with?”  I  asked.  It  was  a  joy  for  me 
to  see  her  so  much  more  cheerful  than  I. 

“You,”  she  replied. 

I  never  had  any  such  hope,  but,  as  will  be  seen  later,  she 
actually  accomplished  it.  (Text,  174.) 

Nannie  was  for  about  a  year  the  only  lady  in  the  post.  On 
December  1,  1871,  to  our  great  relief,  we  received  orders  to 
exchange  posts  with  the  2d  Cavalry,  at  Fort  McPherson, 
Nebraska,  the  regiments  exchanging  horses  to  save  transpor¬ 
tation. 


148 


Western  Experiences 

Just  as  we  left  Arizona  a  new  second  lieutenant,  Schwatka, 
joined  me.  He  served  with  me  for  eight  years,  one  of  the  most 
interesting  officers  Nannie  and  I  ever  met.  He  afterwards 
gained  a  national  reputation  in  his  search  for  the  remains  of 
the  Franklin  Expedition. 

Three  companies  and  the  band  went  by  wagon  train  to  Fort 
Yuma,  where  we  sold  our  ambulance  to  Captain  Taylor,  2d 
Cavalry.  Here  we  embarked  on  a  river  vessel  for  Puerto 
Isabel  at  the  mouth  of  the  Colorado,  where  we  took  the  gov¬ 
ernment  steamer  Newbern  for  San  Francisco. 

So  disgusted  with  our  Arizona  experience  were  all  the  offi¬ 
cers  that  when  the  boat  pulled  out  from  Yuma,  we  took  off 
our  shoes  and  beat  the  dust  of  Arizona  over  the  rail,  at  the 
same  time  cursing  the  land. 

The  bore  created  by  the  contraction  of  the  north  end  of  the 
Gulf  of  California  forces  tides,  sometimes  eighteen  feet  high, 
along  the  lower  Colorado,  and  the  river  is  so  tortuous  that  the 
distance  from  Yuma  is  three  times  what  it  is  in  a  straight  line. 
On  our  trip  down,  there  being  a  very  high  tide,  the  captain 
endeavored  to  make  a  cut-off  over  the  sand  bars  to  save 
twelve  miles.  But  the  tide  stranded  the  boat  several  miles 
from  the  main  channel,  and  when  morning  came  we  could  see 
no  water.  We  remained  until  high  tide  the  next  night. 

After  a  long  but  eventful  journey  we  arrived  at  McPherson 
January  17,  1872,  General  Reynolds,  who  had  been  serving  as 
general  of  volunteers  in  the  reconstruction  of  Texas,  assuming 
command  of  the  regiment. 

May,  1872,  I  was  assigned  to  the  sub-post  of  North  Platte,  the 
most  important  post  I  ever  commanded,  in  the  fork  of  the 
North  and  South  Platte  Rivers  on  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad, 
with  Buffalo  Bill  as  guide.  Here  we  met  Spotted  Tail,  chief  of 
the  Brule  Tribe.  (Appendix,  393.) 

In  July,  1872,  General  Sheridan  ordered  two  companies  of 


WESTERN  EXPERIENCES 


149 


my  regiment  to  escort  Professor  Marsh,  of  Yale  College,  with 
thirty  students  of  that  institution,  on  a  paleontological  expe¬ 
dition  in  the  Bad  Lands  along  the  Niobrara  River  (one  hun¬ 
dred  miles  north  of  the  North  Platte).  We  spent  two  months 
on  that  very  interesting  and  successful  duty,  recovering  from 
the  washing  sands  of  the  steep  banks  of  the  Niobrara  several 
wagon  loads  of  prehistoric  bones. 

On  December  2,  1872,  Nannie  and  I  spent  three  months  of 
leave  with  her  parents  in  Zanesville,  during  which  we  pur¬ 
chased  an  elaborate  and  very  fine  ambulance,  shipping  it  to 
North  Platte. 

Next  year  General  Sheridan  detailed  me  to  escort  Lord 
Dunraven  and  three  friends  on  a  hunting  expedition  on  the 
Loop  River.  Accompanied  by  Buffalo  Bill  (Cut  150),  the  party 
was  very  successful  in  killing  many  elk,  deer  and  antelope, 
remaining  out  about  six  weeks.  One  night  Lord  Dunraven 
came  to  my  tent  and  we  talked  until  long  after  midnight.  I 
have  never  forgotten  his  declaration  that  the  possibilities  of 
the  development  of  the  American  Republic  were  greater  than 
any  ever  known  in  history;  adding,  “the  curse  of  my  country 
is  its  nobility.” 

In  1873  the  agent  for  the  Ogallala  and  Brule  Sioux  gave  per¬ 
mission  for  a  large  party  of  those  sub-trihes  to  hunt  buffalo 
on  the  Republican  River,  southern  Nebraska,  near  the  Kansas 
line.  Unfortunately,  the  agent  of  the  Pawnees  gave  a  large 
party  of  that  tribe  permission  to  hunt  in  the  same  direction. 
These  tribes  were  traditional  enemies.  I  warned  both  agents 
of  possible  trouble,  but  without  avail.  The  Pawnees  arrived 
first;  placed  their  women  and  children  in  camp  and  started 
out  for  the  buffalo.  When  the  Sioux  arrived,  their  scouts  dis¬ 
covered  the  Pawnee  families,  attacked  the  camp  and  killed 
one  hundred  and  twenty-five,  all  save  one  or  two  children  and 
a  squaw',  found  by  Captain  Meinhold  of  the  3d  Cavalry,  sent 
out  from  Fort  McPherson  the  next  day.  These  were  so  badly 
wounded  that  they  died. 

The  Pawnees,  inferior  to  the  Sioux,  were  compelled  to 


150 


Cody  (Buffalo  Bill).  Jim  Bridgee.  Jack  Robertson. 

(Text,  149.)  (Text,  105.) 


WESTERN  EXPERIENCES 


151 


return  in  sorrow  to  their  reservation;  the  Sioux  continuing 
their  hunt. 

In  September,  1874,  the  Sioux  entered  the  parade  grounds 
at  Forts  Fetterman  and  Steele,  and  killed  several  soldiers 
(Appendix,  396).  General  Ord  selected  me  to  take  five  troops 
of  cavalry,  and  two  companies  of  infantry  by  rail  to  Rawlins, 
Wyoming,  thence  to  Independence  Rock,  cross  the  Big  Horn 
Mountains,  and  destroy  a  camp  of  hostiles  supposed  to  be  near 
old  Fort  Reno.  Unfortunately  the  Indians  discovered  our 
movements,  and  moved  north  beyond  our  reach. 

April  14,  1875,  General  Crook  ordered  me  to  take  command 
at  Camp  Sheridan,  Nebraska.  This  march  (Nannie  accom¬ 
panying  me  in  her  ambulance)  was  through  a  roadless,  sandy 
countr)%  with  many  streams  and  difficult  crossings,  practically 
unexplored. 

When  we  arrived  at  Sheridan,  I  went  to  the  office  of  Captain 
Sutorious,  commanding  the  station,  issued  an  order  assuming 
command  and  asked  for  quarters  for  my  officers  and  men. 
He  informed  me  very  positively  that  there  were  no  quarters 
for  us,  that  all  the  buildings  occupied  by  them  had  been  prac¬ 
tically  constructed  by  the  occupants  with  the  tacit  approval  of 
Department  authorities,  and  that  they  felt  they  had  proprietary 
rights  in  that  sense.  As  he  did  not  furnish  any  plans  by  which 
any  of  the  buildings  had  been  constructed  under  official  au¬ 
thority,  I  accepted  his  statement  as  correct  in  the  main,  and 
placed  my  command  in  tents  until  the  new  post  was  con¬ 
structed  under  detailed  plans  and  specifications  on  the  river  a 
mile  and  a  half  below. 

Relieving  Captain  Sutorious  of  the  command,  I  found  Spot¬ 
ted  Tail,  chief  of  the  Brules,  with  about  five  thousand  Indians 
at  his  agency,  some  of  them  Ogallalas.  All  were  much  excited 
at  the  encroachments  of  the  whites  on  the  reservation,  and  the 
scarcity  of  food.  Spotted  Tail  declared  the  agent,  Mr.  Howard, 
deprived  them  of  their  governmental  rations.  The  winter  had 
been  very  severe  and  the  snow  very  deep,  driving  the  game  out 
of  the  country. 


152 


THIRD  PERIOD 


Finding  his  statements  true,  I  complained  to  the  agent,  who 
said  he  gave  them  all  they  were  entitled  to,  and  if  they  starved 
it  wasn’t  his  fault.  There  was  no  telegraphic  communication, 
so  without  authority,  I  issued  them  several  thousand  dollars’ 
worth  of  bacon  and  hard  bread,  telling  the  agent  and  report¬ 
ing  it  to  the  War  Department.  Very  shortly  Jesse  M.  Lee,  a 
first  lieutenant  of  infantry,  arrived  with  his  appointment  as 
Indian  agent,  dispossessing  Howard. 

Beef  was  issued  by  driving  it  in  on  the  hoof,  but  flour,  which 
was  the  principal  ration,  supplied  by  a  contractor  in  Balti¬ 
more,  was  shipped  to  Cheyenne  by  rail,  and  there  loaded  onto 
wagons. 

On  the  plea  that  so  long  a  wagon  journey  would  break  single 
bags,  and  spill  the  contents,  100  pounds  of  flour  was  covered 
with  three  sacks.  At  Cheyenne  a  Federal  inspector  marked 
and  weighed  the  bags. 

The  Baltimore  contractor  arranged  with  this  inspector  to 
stamp  each  sack  “100  pounds.”  This  trebled  the  weight,  as 
the  agent  emptied  the  flour  into  vessels  brought  by  the  squaws 
and  kept  the  sacks  as  evidence  that  he  had  delivered  three 
times  the  actual  weight.  Lee,  finding  that  flour  was  delivered 
unweighed,  looked  at  the  sacks,  found  they  were  certified  to 
contain  one  hundred  pounds  by  the  inspector,  reported  the 
trick  and  the  contractor  was  arrested,  tried  and  convicted. 

Many  of  Spotted  Tail’s  young  men  were  getting  up  war  par¬ 
ties  to  drive  back  the  miners  and  settlers  who  were  organizing 
on  the  Missouri  Biver  to  enter  the  Black  Hills.  It  was  a  viola¬ 
tion  of  our  treaties  with  the  Indians,  and  it  was  part  of  the 
duty  of  the  army  to  see  that  the  treaties  were  respected.  Cap¬ 
tain  Fergus  Walker,  1st  Infantry,  wrote  me  from  a  point  eighty 
miles  east  of  Wounded  Knee,  May  15,  1875,  that  he  had  cap¬ 
tured  one  such  invading  party  and  sent  it  under  guard  to  Fort 
Randall,  but  that  his  thus  greatly  weakened  force  was  unable 
to  cope  with  others,  particularly  Major  Gordon’s  mining  com¬ 
pany.  He  asked  me,  accordingly,  to  co-operate  with  him  in 
this  work,  and  arranged  for  the  Indian  scout  by  whom  he 


WESTERN  EXPERIENCES 


153 


sent  the  letter  to  intercept  him  on  the  Niobrara  River  with  my 
reply. 

General  Sheridan’s  General  Order  No.  2,  of  March  17th, 
directed  commanding  officers  in  Indian  reservations  adjacent 
to  the  Black  Hills  “to  burn  the  wagon  trains,  destroy  the  outfits 
and  arrest  the  leaders,  confining  them  at  the  nearest  military 
post,”  of  trespassers  found  on  a  reservation.  Accordingly, 
with  two  companies  of  cavalry  and  a  battery  of  gatling  guns, 
commanded  by  Lieutenant  Rockefeller,  I  marched  to  relieve 
Captain  Walker. 

Arriving  at  Antelope  Creek  at  night,  I  sent  two  men  in  citi¬ 
zens’  clothes  to  Walker’s  camp  to  tell  him  I  would  at  daylight 
surround  Major  Gordon’s  mining  company.  At  daybreak  I 
threw  my  companies  into  line,  the  battery  in  the  center,  and 
when  Walker’s  force  appeared,  Gordon’s  men,  wakened  by 
the  noise,  found  themselves  utterly  helpless.  Gordon’s  camp 
was  in  a  river  bend,  between  precipitous  bluffs,  with  only  a 
few  hundred  yards’  space  for  entrance  or  exit. 

Seizing  Gordon  and  putting  him  in  a  bull  pen,  I  ordered  his 
second  in  command,  Mr.  Brockert,  to  parade  his  men  and  sur¬ 
render  their  arms.  While  doing  this,  one  of  their  guns  went 
off.  I  called  out  they  might  have  the  first  shot,  but  we  would 
have  the  last,  when  they  submissively  declared  they  would 
make  no  resistance. 

The  prisoners  were  sent  back  to  Fort  Randall  under  Captain 
Walker,  except  Gordon,  whom  I  took  to  Sheridan,  where  he 
was  put  in  the  guard  house. 

Roth  the  newspapers  and  the  public  at  Sioux  City  made 
complaints  about  my  “arbitrary  and  unlawful  act,”  and  the 
grand  jury  found  true  bills  against  me,  but  I  never  had  service. 

Gordon  was  a  Mason,  as  was  my  post  trader  at  Sheridan. 
They  concocted  a  scheme  for  Gordon’s  release.  One  Sunday 
morning  the  post  trader  approached  and  read  me  his  commis¬ 
sion  as  United  States  Commissioner,  serving  a  writ  demanding 
the  delivery  of  Major  Gordon.  I  told  him  if  he  did  not  tear 
up  his  commission  I  would  put  him  in  the  guard  house  with 


154 


THIRD  PERIOD 


his  friend  Gordon,  as  there  was  not  enough  room  in  that  post 
for  a  commanding  officer  and  post  trader  who,  as  U.  S.  Com¬ 
missioner,  would  attempt  to  dominate  the  action  of  the  mili¬ 
tary  authorities.  He  destroyed  his  commission.  Later,  Gor¬ 
don  was  transferred  to  the  guard  house  at  Fort  Omaha,  Ne¬ 
braska,  and  was  there  held  under  indictment  for  violating  the 
Indian  non-intercourse  laws.  What  finally  became  of  him  I 
never  knew. 

The  government  contemplated  building  a  permanent  post 
(the  one  then  occupied  was  temporarily  constructed  of  logs) 
and  furnished  a  saw  mill,  lathe,  shingle  machine,  sash  and 
doors,  and  thirty  skilled  artisans  to  take  timber  from  the  pine 
forests,  and  construct  the  post  as  rapidly  as  possible. 

While  absent  on  this  expedition.  General  Crook,  who  had 
relieved  General  Ord,  appeared  at  the  post  with  some  of  his 
staff  on  inspection.  He  left  an  order  for  me  to  select  a  new 
location  for  a  five-company  post  and  construct  it  after  my  own 
plans,  which  I  did. 

Having  an  excellent  quartermaster  in  Lieutenant  Rockefeller,  1 
we  accomplished  the  most  expeditious  post  construction  in  the 
history  of  the  army.  Each  captain  constructed  his  own  bar¬ 
racks  and  quarters,  after  plans  I  prepared,  dividing  the  skilled 
artisans  between  them.  As  the  men  were  anxious  to  get  into 
their  new  homes,  trees  felled  in  the  morning  were  often  part 
of  buildings  before  sundown,  Lieutenant  Lemly  of  the  cavalry 
being  particularly  active,  and  all  the  officers  strove  hard  to 
complete  their  quarters  as  soon  as  possible.  We  were  com¬ 
fortably  housed  before  the  first  of  October.  All  the  buildings 
were  constructed  as  a  shell  of  upright  inch  boards  around  a 
framework,  lined  with  the  ordinary  sized  unburnt  bricks,  dried 
in  the  sun  and  plastered  inside. 

Meanwhile,  Nannie  formed  an  agreeable  acquaintance  with 
Spotted  Tail,  whom  she  liked  from  first  sight.  He  was  a  fine- 
looking  man,  with  engaging  manners,  perfectly  loyal  to  the 
government,  a  lover  of  peace,  knowing  no  good  could  come 
to  his  people  from  war  with  the  army.  He  had  the  highest 
respect  for  and  confidence  in  officers. 


Courtesy,  Smithsonian  institution.  Courtesy,  diuiUisoman  institution. 


155 


156 


15 


CC 


158 


THIRD  PERIOD 


There  was  a  sub-chief  under  Spotted  Tail  named  No  Flesh, 
a  weakling,  not  thought  much  of  by  the  head  chiefs.  Nannie 
frequently  invited  Spotted  Tail  to  dinner,  sometimes  with  other 
most  respected  chiefs,  and  No  Flesh  tried  in  every  way  to 
establish  friendly  relations  with  her.  He  proffered  his  ser¬ 
vices  to  paint  her  some  pictures  of  his  exploits  as  a  warrior, 
for  which  she  paid  him.  In  one  of  these  pictures  he  repre¬ 
sents  himself  engaged  in  a  great  battle  with  U.  S.  Cavalry, 
killing  a  captain.  I  regret  I  can  not  reproduce  his  detailed 
description  of  his  heroism. 

The  shod  horse  tracks  in  the  picture  represent  the  cavalry, 
and  the  unshod  pony  tracks  represent  Indian  ponies.  The 
faces  on  the  margin  are  the  attacking  cavalry.  It  will  be  seen 
that  he  killed  a  soldier  before  he  killed  the  captain. 

Engaged  in  this  work,  he  would  remain  at  the  house  for 
hours,  hoping  to  gain  favor  with  Nannie. 

Observing  Nannie  had  great  influence  with  me  and  with 
Spotted  Tail,  and  noticing  she  bought  fruits  and  paid  for  them 
herself,  he  knew  of  course  that  she  was  no  squaw,  and  that 
she  had  authority. 

One  day  Captain  McDougall  and  several  officers  of  the  7th 
Cavalry  arrived  at  the  post,  with  a  scouting  command  to  rest 
for  a  few  days  and  secure  supplies. 

Nannie  invited  the  officers  to  dine  with  Spotted  Tail,  Stand¬ 
ing  Elk,  and  White  Thunder,  but,  as  usual,  did  not  include 
No  Flesh.  No  Flesh  learned  the  news  rather  late,  but,  a  few 
moments  after  we  had  taken  our  seats,  announced  himself  at 
the  door  and  was  seated  in  the  parlor  by  the  orderly. 

When  dinner  was  over  we  returned  to  the  parlor  and  shook 
hands  with  No  Flesh.  Having  held  his  seat  during  the  dinner 
in  the  hope  that  he  might  at  least  be  invited  to  a  second  table, 
he  was  somewhat  sullen.  After  a  while  he  exclaimed,  “Well, 
you  must  have  had  a  great  deal  to  eat.” 

“Why  do  you  think  so?”  I  asked. 

“Because  it  took  you  so  long  to  eat  it,”  he  rejoined. 

Seeing  he  was  not  likely  to  receive  an  invitation,  and  con- 


WESTERN  EXPERIENCES 


159 


vinced  from  Nannie’s  demeanor  toward  him  that  the  fault  lay 
with  her,  he  shook  hands  in  a  very  dignified  manner  with 
everyone  in  the  room  save  Nannie.  She  was  sitting  near  the 
door,  and  when  he  came  near  he  drew  himself  up  in  a  most 
scornful  manner  and  passed  quickly  out. 

This  amused  not  only  the  officers,  but  the  Indians. 

Soon  after,  when  strolling  together  through  the  Indian  en¬ 
campments,  I  remarked,  “Suppose  we  call  on  No  Flesh.”  “Very 
well,”  she  said,  “I  would  just  as  soon.” 

No  Flesh  appeared  much  astonished,  but  he  invited  us  in 
his  tent,  asking  us  to  be  seated  on  the  ground,  which  we  did. 
Two  squaws  and  several  children  were  present.  He  looked 
sternly  in  my  face  for  some  moments,  and  then  exclaimed: 

“You — no  chief!”  pointing  to  me  with  his  forefinger.  Then 
pointing  with  his  left  forefinger  to  Nannie,  he  held  it  up  ver¬ 


tically,  thus,  as  representing  her;  and  pointing  to  me  with 


his  right  forefinger,  held  it  up  thus,  Was  representing  me. 

He  then  placed  them  vertically  together,  thus,  repre¬ 

senting  our  relative  standing  in  authority.  ^  tSf 


All  nomadic  Indians  have  a  common  sign  language  and 
communicate  with  each  other  without  the  use  of  words. 

No  Flesh  intended  the  most  absolute  insult  one  man  could 
give  another.  We  burst  out  together  in  laughter.  This  greatly 
puzzled  No  Flesh,  who  could  not  conceive  how  any  man,  much 
less  a  soldier,  could  brook  such  an  insult.  It  was  with  great 
effort,  stoical  as  the  Indian  is,  that  he  preserved  his  equa¬ 
nimity. 

One  day  while  overlooking  the  construction  of  the  post, 
Spotted  Tail  said  through  his  interpreter,  “Well,  I  have  been 
wondering  if  you  were  going  to  stay;  now  I  know  you  are.” 
I  asked  him  how  he  knew,  and  he  replied,  “I  have  been  among 
white  men  long  enough  to  know  when  they  put  rocks  under 
their  houses  they  are  going  to  stay.” 


160 


THIRD  PERIOD 


The  old  commanding  officer’s  quarters,  the  best  in  the  old 
post,  was  preserved  intact,  with  all  its  furniture,  cooking  stove  | 
and  utensils.  When  we  moved  to  the  new  post  I  formally 
presented  this  house  to  Spotted  Tail,  in  the  name  of  the  Great 
White  Father,  with  General  Crook’s  authority.  He  and  his 
wives  and  children  were  very  thankful  in  their  hope  for  better 
comforts  in  the  future.  A  short  time  thereafter,  I  saw  the 
house  was  vacant  and  found  Spotted  Tail  was  again  living  in 
tepees  under  the  cottonwood  trees  in  the  midst  of  his  village. 
Asking  him  why,  he  replied  his  squaws  found  it  impossible  to 
keep  the  house  clean.  They  threw'  the  bones  and  refuse  on 
the  floor  and  could  not  learn  to  sw'eep  out  or  wipe  up,  so  that 
flies  and  maggots  became  so  intolerable  they  wrere  compelled 
to  move.  They  could  move  tepees  in  a  fewT  minutes  to  fresh 
sward,  as  had  been  Indian  habit  for  generations.  With  all 
my  knowledge  of  the  Indian  habits,  this  surprised  me  as  I 
suppose  it  w'ill  surprise  the  reader. 

One  day  Spotted  Tail  brought  Lone  Horn,  a  Minneconjou 
chief,  to  my  tent,  asking  me  to  show  him  some  courtesy.  He 
had  never  been  in  a  military'  post  or  on  an  Indian  reservation. 
The  trader  supplied  a  can  of  lemon  sugar  and  I  made  some 
lemonade.  Lone  Horn  had  ridden  far,  on  a  very'  hot  July  day. 
He  emptied  his  glass;  then  Spotted  Tail  exclaimed,  “Have  you 
drank  all  that?  You  had  better  lie  down  and  hold  on  to  the 
grass,  for  the  whole  world  will  begin  to  turn  over  in  a  few 
minutes.” 

Lone  Horn,  seeing  the  rest  of  us  had  drank  only  a  portion, 
w  as  really'  alarmed  and  imagined  he  felt  the  influence.  I  men¬ 
tion  this  to  show'  Spotted  Tail’s  humor,  notwithstanding  the 
popular  opinion  that  Indians  have  none. 

Efforts  to  enter  the  Black  Hills  had  excited  the  entire  Sioux 
confederation,  and  they  began  to  talk  of  wrar.  The  leading 
chiefs  of  all  the  tribes  except  the  Minneconjous  and  Ogallalas 
tried  to  restrain  them,  but  it  was  difficult.  In  each  reservation 
the  young  men  organized  war  bands  and  went  ostensibly  to 


WESTERN  EXPERIENCES 


161 


hunt  but  really  in  hope  they  would  find  opportunity  to  attack 
and  destroy  emigrants,  prospectors  or  stock-men  unawares, 
which  they  often  did. 

The  great  unrest  among  the  Indians  and  the  settlements 
adjoining  their  reservations  alarmed  the  Indian  Department. 
Before  the  winter  had  fairly  set  in,  the  President  authorized 
the  War  Department  to  chastise  some  of  the  war-like  tribes 
that  were  encamped  not  far  from  their  reservations  in  the 
West,  ostensibly  for  hunting  purposes,  but  really  to  organize 
war  parties  for  depredations  in  the  spring.  General  Crook  was 
therefore  directed  to  begin  a  winter  campaign.  He  organized 
a  command  at  Fort  D.  A.  Russell  of  ten  companies  of  the  3d 
Cavalry,  including  mine,  several  of  the  2d  Cavalry  and  four 
of  the  4th  Cavalry.  I  was  stationed  at  Fort  D.  A.  Russell  for 
the  winter,  Nannie  accompanying  me. 

So  many  troops  made  Cheyenne  a  large  and  interesting  post, 
Nannie  becoming  prominent  in  the  garrison.  One  day  she 
took  me  to  a  meeting  of  the  officers  and  ladies  at  the  post 
hospital  to  organize  an  amateur  theatrical  company.  The  call 
was  issued  by  Major  Dubois,  who  announced  the  object  of  the 
meeting,  when,  to  my  surprise,  I  was  called  as  permanent 
chairman,  the  first  time,  I  believe,  I  ever  presided.  Three 

<  young  second  lieutenants  were  appointed  to  devise  a  program 
and  name  the  actors  for  the  monthly  meetings.  Later  a  pro¬ 
gram  was  sent  around  in  which  I,  who  make  no  pretensions 
to  theatricals,  was  designated  to  act  Sir  Toby  Tittmouse,  a 
leading  part. 

Nannie  and  these  youngsters  had  entrapped  me.  I  told  her 
I  could  not  in  months  commit  to  memory  the  long  part  I  was 
given,  but  Nannie  reminded  me  I  had,  as  presiding  officer, 
approved  the  proceedings  and  that  I  could  not  back  out!  She 
rehearsed  me  and  taught  me  to  play  my  part,  sitting  up  many 

!  nights,  conscious  that  Sir  Toby’s  loud  and  turbulent  language 
would  impress  the  help  in  the  kitchen  that  we  were  quar¬ 
reling.  Taking  an  interest  in  it  I  found  it  not  so  difficult  after 
all,  and  Nannie  rigged  me  up  in  a  costume  that  would  have 


162 


THIRD  PERIOD 


surprised  Sir  Toby  himself.  She  constructed  a  remarkable 
wig  of  angora  wool,  and  made  me  knee  breeches  and  large  . 
buttoned  coat,  which,  with  a  cane,  fitted  the  character  so  well 
that  when  the  play  was  produced,  my  own  colonel,  Reynolds, 
declared  that  he  did  not  know  who  was  playing  the  part.  This 
gave  me  courage,  and  I  afterward  acted  a  principal  part  as 
Mr.  Potter  in  “Still  Waters  Run  Deep.” 

Early  in  1875,  the  campaign  intended  to  subdue  the  rising 
war  spirit  of  the  Indians  took  definite  shape,  and  our  com¬ 
mand  left  Fort  D.  A.  Russell  and  proceeded  towards  old  Fort 
Phil  Kearny,  where  it  was  reported  some  outlying  bands  were 
located  on  Powder  River. 

We  took  thirty  days’  beef  on  the  hoof,  which  was  issued  as 
rations.  Two  days  from  Fort  Fetterman,  crossing  Cheyenne 
Creek,  the  command  was  surprised  by  some  Indians;  every 
head  of  cattle  was  driven  off,  one  of  the  herders  killed  and  one 
or  two  soldiers  wounded,  leaving  the  troops  without  any  fresh 
meat.  When  we  reached  Phil  Kearny,  we  abandoned  every 
wheel,  resorting  to  pack  mules,  and  struck  out  for  Powder 
River. 

There  had  been  a  deep  snow  some  weeks  previous,  and  cold 
weather  succeeding  warm  created  a  crust  that  would  some¬ 
times  hold  a  horse.  The  night  after  we  left  Phil  Kearny 
there  came  another  severe  snow-storm  with  high,  intensely 
cold  winds.  The  drifting  snow  and  hard  crusts  rendered  it 
difficult  for  our  animals  to  travel. 

We  followed  Otter  Creek,  which  runs  into  the  Yellowstone, 
parallel  to  Powder  River,  to  an  abandoned  Sioux  camp,  thirty 
miles  from  Powder  River,  in  which  we  found  the  remains  of 
a  captured  and  killed  Rlackfoot  Indian. 

Scouts  reported  a  hunting  party  of  Sioux  in  the  direction  of 
Powder  River,  in  what  in  their  opinion  was  a  village.  General 
Crook  directed  Reynolds  to  take  eight  troops  with  two  days’ 
rations  (leaving  him  with  the  pack  train  and  two  troops  to 
follow),  and  capture  the  village  if  he  could  find  it. 

At  daybreak,  on  the  banks  of  the  river,  the  scouts  reported 
the  village.  Preparations  were  made  to  attack. 


WESTERN  EXPERIENCES 


163 


Owing  to  the  age  and  feebleness  of  Colonel  Reynolds  and 
the  bitter  feud  that  existed  in  the  regiment  (similar  to  that 
in  the  7th  Cavalry  between  Colonel  Sturgis  and  his  friends 
and  Colonel  Custer  and  his  friends,  that  proved  so  disastrous 
at  the  Little  Big  Horn),  this  attack  on  the  village  on  Powder 
River  proved  a  lamentable  failure.  Reynolds  disobeyed  Crook’s 
order  to  hold  the  village  until  his  arrival,  abandoning  the  field 
and  retiring  in  the  direction  of  Fetterman.  It  is  perhaps  better 
not  to  go  into  details  here  in  regard  to  this  humiliating  failure, 
further  than  to  say  that  several  officers  were  tried  for  mis¬ 
conduct. 

We  were  out  of  rations  and  other  supplies,  so  there  was 
nothing  left  but  to  return  without  successfully  accomplishing 
the  object  for  which  we  had  been  sent. 

Through  agents  the  Indian  Department  then  took  a  hand  and 
endeavored  to  quiet  the  Indians,  but  with  little  success.  On 
June  18,  1875,  Mr.  Ed.  P.  Smith,  the  Commissioner  of  Indian 
Affairs,  organized  a  commission  to  treat  with  the  Sioux.  It 
was  composed  of  very  distinguished  men.  Senator  William 
R.  Allison  was  the  president,  and  General  Terry  among  the 
thirteen  members  who  met  at  Fort  Robinson,  September  20, 
1875.  I  commanded  the  escort,  consisting  of  my  own  and 
Captain  Eagan’s  white  horse  company  of  the  2d  Cavalry. 

The  majority  of  the  Indians  refused  to  enter  the  post,  declar¬ 
ing  they  would  make  no  treaty  under  duress.  The  commission 
agreed  to  meet  in  a  grove  on  the  White  River,  eight  miles 
northeast  of  the  post.  Spotted  Tail,  who  accompanied  me  from 
Fort  Sheridan,  warned  me  it  was  a  mistake  to  meet  outside  the 
post,  and  kept  his  best  friends  around  my  ambulance. 

The  commission  sat  under  a  large  tarpaulin,  the  chiefs 
sitting  on  the  ground.  Senator  Allison  was  to  make  the  intro- 
iuctory  speech,  and  Red  Cloud  and  Spotted  Tail  were  sched- 
lled  to  reply  favorably  to  the  surrender  of  the  Rlack  Hills  for 
certain  considerations. 

There  were  present  perhaps  20,000  Indians,  representing 
irobably  40,000  or  45,000  of  various  tribes.  Probably  three- 


164 


THIRD  PERIOD 


fourths  of  the  grown  males  of  the  consolidated  tribes  were 
present  and  might  have  subscribed  to  a  new  treaty  in  accord¬ 
ance  with  its  provisions,  that  it  be  with  the  consent  of  three- 
fourths  of  the  Indians,  which  supposedly  meant  the  grown 
people,  although  the  treaty  did  not  so  state.  The  Indians  were 
given  to  understand  that  the  whites  must  have  the  land,  so 
that  they  became  alarmed,  and  most  of  them  threatened  war. 

Eagan’s  mounted  company,  drawn  up  in  single  line,  I  placed 
on  the  right  of  the  commission,  my  own  on  the  left.  Allison 
began  his  address,  during  which  hostile  Indians,  well  armed, 
formed  man  for  man  in  the  rear  of  Eagan’s  men.  “Young-  : 
Man-Afraid-of-His-Horses,”  a  captain  of  a  company  of  friendly  ] 
Indians,  asked  permission  to  form  his  men  in  the  rear  of  the  i 
hostile  Indians,  to  which  I  consented. 

When  Red  Cloud  was  about  to  speak,  “Little  Big  Man,” 
astride  an  American  horse,  two  revolvers  belted  to  his  waist, 
but  otherwise  naked  save  for  a  breech  clout,  moccasins  and 
war  headgear,  rode  between  the  commission  and  the  seated 
Indian  chiefs  and  proclaimed,  “I  will  kill  the  first  Indian  chief 
who  speaks  favorably  to  the  selling  of  the  Black  Hills.” 

Spotted  Tail,  fearing  a  massacre,  advised  that  the  commis¬ 
sion  get  back  to  the  fort  as  quickly  as  possible.  General  Terry 
consulted  with  Allison,  and  then  ordered  the  commission  into 
the  ambulances  to  make  for  the  post.  I  placed  Eagan’s  com-  i 
pany  on  each  flank  and  my  own  in  the  rear  of  the  ambulances. 
At  least  half  the  men  warriors  pressed  about  us  threatening  to 
kill  some  member  of  the  commission. 

One  young  warrior  in  particular,  riding  furiously  into  our  i 
ranks,  frenziedly  declared  that  he  would  have  the  blood  of  a  i 
commissioner.  Fortunately  we  reserved  our  fire. 

A  friendly  Indian  soldier  showed  him  an  innocent  colt 
grazing  about  one  hundred  yards  away  and  told  him  he  could 
appease  his  anger  by  killing  it.  Strange  to  say,  he  consented, 
rode  out  and  shot  the  colt  dead,  and  the  whole  of  the  hostile 
Sioux  retired  to  the  main  body  at  the  place  of  our  meeting. 
Thus  ended  the  efforts  of  this  commission  to  formulate  a 
treaty. 


WESTERN  EXPERIENCES 


165 


Failure  of  both  Crook’s  expedition  and  the  efforts  of  the 
commission  made  it  certain  that  hostilities  would  be  resumed 
in  the  spring,  so  that  General  Terry,  commanding  the  Depart¬ 
ment  of  Dakota,  and  General  Crook,  commanding  the  Depart¬ 
ment  of  the  Platte,  were  instructed  to  organize  large  commands 
for  the  purpose  of  pursuing  and  punishing  all  Sioux  found 
away  from  their  reservations. 

The  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs  instructed  his  agents 
to  warn  the  chiefs  to  call  in  all  Indians  away  from  the  reserva¬ 
tion,  notifying  that  all  found  away  would  be  punished.  This 
only  excited  the  war-like  young  bucks  and  caused  them  to 
move  in  the  early  spring  as  far  west  as  they  could  go.  At  that 
time  the  buffalo  were  driven  by  encroaching  settlements  and 
the  railroads  from  their  southern  grazing  grounds  into  the 
country  west  and  north  of  the  Sioux  reservation. 

Crook  first  met  the  Indians  in  a  slight  engagement  on  Tongue 
River,  Montana. 

Terry,  meanwhile,  so  separated  from  Crook  by  distance  and 
hostile  Indians  as  to  prevent  communication,  had  searched 
for  the  hostiles  on  the  north.  He  discovered  their  trail  on  the 
Yellowstone  at  the  mouth  of  the  Rosebud,  and  organized  an 
Expedition  under  General  Custer  with  the  entire  7th  Cavalry 
:o  pursue  it. 

General  Crook’s  expedition  is  described  in  detail  (Appen- 
iix,  396,  save  what  occurred  after  his  separation  from  General 
Terry’s  command. 

The  hostile  Indians  separated,  some  going  to  Canada  and 
)thers  turning  eastward.  General  Crook  determined  to  follow 
he  latter,  depending  entirely  on  pack  mules  for  transportation. 
iVith  scanty  rations,  he  undertook  a  long  and  distressing  march 
hrough  the  dry  and  barren  country,  with  little  knowledge  of 
ts  streams  and  trails.  Both  men  and  officers  became  restless 
ind  many  of  the  horses  were  shot  for  want  of  sustenance. 

When  near  the  Missouri  River,  Crook  turned  southwest 
oward  the  Black  Hills,  crossing  the  North  and  South  Cannon¬ 
ed  rivers.  Here  many  officers  and  men  became  dismounted. 


166 


THIRD  PERIOD 


and  it  was  feared  they  might  perish  for  want  of  rations.  There 
was  no  game,  many  ate  horse  flesh,  and  had  no  knowledge  oi 
woodcraft,  course,  or  direction. 

On  the  8th  of  September,  as  I  was  bringing  in  the  real 
squadron  of  the  command,  having  shot  seventy  horses  thal 
day.  General  Crook,  in  consultation  with  General  Merritt 
directed  me  to  select  one  hundred  and  fifty  of  the  best  men 
and  horses  from  my  regiment,  take  Chief  Packer  Moore,  with 
fifty  pack  mules,  to  Deadwood,  in  the  Black  Hills,  and  brin£ 
back  supplies  to  the  command.  His  last  words  were  thal 
should  I  encounter  a  village  I  should  attack  and  hold  it.  Il 
was  nine  o’clock  before  I  could  collect  my  command,  and  1 
left  so  hurriedly  that  no  medical  officer  was  sent  with  me.  The 
night  was  very  dark.  I  took  with  me  Grouard,  one  of  the  besl 
scouts  we  had,  especially  proficient  in  woodcraft. 

Although  there  were  no  stars  and  insufficient  light  to  set 
the  surrounding  land,  somehow  Grouard  took  us  in  the  righl 
direction.  About  midnight  he  lighted  a  match  and  showed 
me  the  fresh  tracks  of  ponies  on  the  banks  of  a  little  lake 
We  were  close  to  the  Indians.  It  began  to  rain  as  we  lay  down 
holding  the  lariats  of  our  horses,  and  it  was  with  difficulty  thai 
we  obtained  a  little  sleep. 

It  was  still  raining  at  daylight,  but  we  were  early  up  and  off 
seeing  by  the  mountain  ranges  we  were  going  toward  the 
Black  Hills. 

In  the  afternoon  Grouard  signaled  a  halt,  saying  we  were 
near  an  Indian  village.  He  had  observed  Indian  hunters  with 
their  ponies  packed  with  game.  We  were  on  the  banks  of  a 
small  stream,  which  Grouard  said  was  near  Slim  Buttes.  We 
hid  under  the  banks  and  cottonwood  trees,  drenched  with  cole 
rain,  until  three  in  the  morning,  when  I  determined  to  attack 
I  did  not  know  its  strength,  but  was  willing  to  take  my  chances 
in  view  of  General  Crook’s  positive  orders. 

Moving  as  close  to  the  village  as  possible,  I  left  the  quarter 
master.  Lieutenant  Bubb,  with  the  pack  mules  and  twenty-fivi 
soldiers.  My  plan  was  to  dismount  fifty  men  under  Crawforc 


WESTERN  EXPERIENCES 


167 


and  fifty  under  Von  Luettwitz,  retaining  twenty-five  mounted, 
tinder  Schwatka,  to  charge  through  the  village  and  drive  the 
ponies  away  as  soon  as  we  were  discovered,  when  Crawford 
would  attack  them  on  the  right  and  Von  Luettwitz  on  the  left. 

The  Indian  ponies  near  the  village  discovered  us  by  smell 
and  stampeded  into  the  village.  Schwatka  charged  through 
he  village,  driving  the  horses  as  far  as  he  could,  and  Crawford 
and  Von  Luettwitz  carried  out  their  instructions  and  drove 
nost  of  the  Indians  pell  mell  from  their  tepees,  which  were 
aced  on  the  side  facing  us.  These  lacings,  being  wet,  were  so 
lard  to  untie  that  the  Indians  cut  their  way  through  on  the 
ither  side  of  the  elkskin  tepees  and  ran  to  the  rocks  on  the 
ipposite  side  of  the  stream,  taking  only  their  arms  with  them. 

Von  Luettwitz,  standing  near  me  on  a  slight  elevation,  was 
hot  through  the  knee;  I  caught  him  as  he  fell.  We  found  the 
ullage  rich  in  fruit  and  game,  and  I  despatched  three  couriers 
it  intervals,  to  inform  General  Crook  that  we  would  hold  the 
ullage  until  he  came. 

The  Indian  Chief,  American  Horse,  was  mortally  wounded 
n  the  stomach.  With  some  of  his  followers,  mostly  women 
ind  children,  he  took  refuge  in  a  cave  in  a  ravine,  where  they 
ntrenched  themselves  with  the  soft  clay.  There  were  fifty 
epees  in  this  village  and  probably  two  hundred  and  fifty 
ndians,  mostly  warriors.  Grouard  got  into  conversation  with 
ome  and  tried  to  persuade  them  to  surrender,  but  they  said 
hat  they  had  dispatched  runners  to  the  main  body  of  the 
>ioux,  less  than  eight  miles  distant,  and  would  hold  out  until 
hey  were  relieved. 

The  leading  part  of  Crook’s  command,  those  with  the 
est  horses,  arrived  about  11.30.  The  rest  of  his  command 
ppeared  soon  after,  at  the  same  time  the  Indian  forces  arrived 
3  relieve  their  distressed  comrades.  They  came  in  great 
umbers,  but  when  Crook  deployed  almost  an  equal  number, 
le  Indians  retired  and  we  held  the  village. 

Some  of  my  men,  entering  the  village,  discovered  a  little 
irl  three  or  four  years  old,  who  sprang  up  and  ran  away  like 


168 


THIRD  PERIOD 


a  young  partridge.  The  soldiers  caught  her  and  brought  hei 
to  me.  She  was  in  great  distress  until  I  assured  her,  by  petting 
her  and  giving  her  food,  that  she  was  in  no  danger,  when  she 
became  somewhat  contented. 

After  General  Crook’s  men  had  persuaded  the  Indians 
hidden  in  the  cave  to  surrender,  there  being  many  killed  anc 
wounded  among  them,  I  and  my  orderly  took  this  little  gir] 
down  to  see  the  captives  and  the  dead.  Among  others,  the 
soldiers  had  dragged  out  the  bodies  of  two  fine  looking  half- 
breed  squaws,  only  partly  dressed,  bloody  and  mangled  with 
many  wounds.  The  little  girl  began  to  scream  and  fought  the 
orderly  until  he  placed  her  on  the  ground,  when  she  ran  and 
embraced  one  of  these  squaws,  who  was  her  mother. 

On  returning  to  my  station  on  the  hill,  I  told  Adjutant  Leml\ 
I  intended  to  adopt  this  little  girl,  as  I  had  slain  her  mother. 

The  Indian  chief  was  taken  to  one  of  the  tepees  and  the 
surgeon  told  him  he  would  die  before  midnight.  He  accepted 
his  doom  without  a  blanch  or  shudder,  and  soon  died. 

Crook  told  me  to  take  the  same  command  and  at  daylight 
proceed  to  the  Black  Hills  and  execute  my  mission.  Before 
starting.  Adjutant  Lemly  asked  me  if  I  really  intended  to  take 
the  little  girl.  I  told  him  I  did,  when  he  remarked,  “Well, 
how  do  you  think  Mrs.  Mills  will  like  it?”  It  was  the  first  time 
I  had  given  that  side  of  the  matter  a  thought,  and  I  decided  to 
leave  the  child  where  I  found  her. 

We  arrived  at  Deadwood  at  nine  the  next  night.  Everyone 
was  in  great  excitement,  because  communication  with  the 
outer  world  was  shut  off  by  the  surrounding  Indians.  All 
readily  assisted  me  in  collecting  supplies  sufficient  to  load  the 
fifty  pack  mules.  With  fifty  head  of  cattle,  we  met  Crook’s 
command,  the  second  morning,  forty  miles  distant.  They  were 
in  practically  a  starving  condition,  having  subsisted  on  the 
ponies  I  captured  at  Slim  Buttes. 

Some  time  in  June,  1914,  the  historian  of  South  Dakota, 
Mr.  Doane  Bobinson,  sent  me  a  volume  in  which  he  published 
the  reports  of  the  Battle  of  Slim  Buttes,  and  also  a  map  of 


WESTERN  EXPERIENCES 


169 


the  battle-ground  by  the  State  engineer,  which  purported  to 
give  in  detail  the  topography  in  Section  27,  Township  17  north, 
Range  8  east.  On  examining  it,  I  could  not  recognize  it  as 
representing  the  location. 

Meanwhile,  Mr.  W.  M.  Gamp,  editor  of  the  Railway  Review, 
had  called  on  me  to  get  some  details  of  this  fight,  stating  that 
he  was  writing  a  history  of  the  Indian  War  of  1876.  Showing 
him  Mr.  Robinson’s  book,  I  told  him  that,  having  no  faith  that 
he  had  made  the  proper  location,  I  had  invited  General  Charles 
Morton,  who  was  present  at  the  fight,  to  go  with  me  in  July  and 
try  to  find  the  true  location,  and  asked  him  to  go  with  us,  which 
he  readily  consented  to  do. 

We  invited  Mr.  Robinson  to  accompany  us  to  the  battle¬ 
ground  in  order  that  the  question  of  location  might  be  definitely 
settled.  He  agreed  to  join  us  on  the  train  at  Pierre  at  midnight 
on  July  14th.  Mr.  Robinson  failed  to  keep  his  engagement,  but, 
at  Relle  Fourche,  his  son,  a  boy  of  about  twenty  years  old, 
reported  to  us,  stating  his  father  had  asked  him  to  go  with  us. 
He  was  of  no  assistance,  however,  as  he  knew  nothing  about 
the  matter,  and  did  not  seem  interested  in  it. 

After  several  days’  search,  we  found  the  location  described 
in  Mr.  Robinson’s  history  in  the  map  before  referred  to,  but 
neither  General  Morton  nor  I  could  reconcile  the  topography 
represented  on  the  map  with  the  location  as  we  remembered 
it.  There  were  no  evidences  of  a  fight,  no  rifle  pits,  which  we 
remembered  well  to  have  made,  and  which  could  not  have 
neen  obliterated.  We  spent  several  days  trying  to  find  the  true 
ocation,  but  were  eventually  compelled  to  abandon  the  search, 
he  conditions  being  exceedingly  unfavorable  to  the  investiga- 
ion  because  of  poor  roads,  rains,  and  excessively  hot  weather. 

Mr.  Camp  and  I  both  corresponded  with  General  Charles 
Gng,  also  present  at  this  battle,  and  who  Mr.  Robinson  claimed 
lad  furnished  him  with  the  map  from  which  he  made  the 
ocation.  General  King  replied  that  he  had  never  furnished 
vlr.  Robinson  with  a  map  sufficient  to  make  the  location  and, 


170 


THIRD  PERIOD 


after  examining  the  map  in  his  book,  said  it  was  not  the  correcl 
location. 

I  am  now  in  receipt  of  a  letter  from  Mr.  Camp,  dated  June 
21,  1917,  in  which  he  informs  me  that  he  went  on  anothei 
expedition  and,  after  considerable  search,  found  the  true 
location  on  June  19th,  in  Section  10,  Township  18  north,  Range 
8  east,  which  is  on  Gap  Creek,  one  of  the  main  branches  ol 
Rabbit  Creek,  about  three  miles  from  Reva  Gap,  three-quarters 
of  a  mile  from  Mr.  W.  W.  Mitchell’s  house,  and  nine  miles 
north  of  Robinson’s  location.  Mr.  Camp  found  the  rifle  pits 
and  many  other  convincing  evidences  of  the  fight,  including 
numerous  empty  shells,  much  broken  pottery  and  other  Indian 
utensils,  all  of  which  corresponded  to  my  own  and  other 
reports  of  the  battle. 

Crook  stayed  in  the  Rlack  Hills  recuperating  for  several 
weeks,  when,  the  campaign  being  closed,  the  whole  command 
proceeded  to  Fort  Robinson,  where  it  was  disbanded  and  the 
various  organizations  sent  to  their  proper  posts.  I  was  trans¬ 
ferred  to  Camp  Sheridan,  where  Nannie  joined  me  and  where 
Chief  “Touch  the  Clouds,”  of  the  Minneconjous,  came  in  and 
surrendered.  (Appendix,  408.) 

During  our  second  stay  at  Sheridan,  many  interesting  inci¬ 
dents  occurred.  Spotted  Tail  gave  a  dog  feast  in  Nannie’s 
honor,  which  she  gladly  attended  and  danced  freely  with  the 
squaws,  to  their  great  delight.  They  boiled  many  dogs  in  large 
kettles,  but  Nannie  did  not  have  the  courage  to  partake  of  the 
feast,  which  she  ever  afterwards  regretted. 

One  afternoon  a  Sister  of  Charity  from  a  Kansas  City  convent 
drove  to  my  quarters  with  a  novice,  stating  that  she  had  been 
sent  to  me  by  General  Mackenzie,  then  commanding  Fort 
Robinson.  She  was  on  a  mission  to  procure  subscriptions  foi 
the  erection  of  a  hospital  at  Kansas  City. 

Sister  Mary  remained  with  us  for  several  days.  A  very 
intelligent  and  entertaining  woman,  she  was  a  welcome  guest 
to  both  Nannie  and  me.  Expressing  a  desire  to  see  Spotted 
Tail,  we  prepared  a  little  entertainment  and  invited  him  tc 


WESTERN  EXPERIENCES 


171 


the  house,  together  with  a  few  ladies  and  officers,  Lieutenant 
Schwatka,  who  afterwards  became  famous,  being  one.  The 
refreshments  consisted  of  cider,  cakes  and  apples. 

Spotted  Tail  appeared  in  full  Indian  dress,  accompanied  by 
one  of  his  wives  and  his  daughter,  Shonkoo,  an  interesting  girl 
of  seventeen.  Sister  Mary,  dressed  in  the  conventional  robes 
of  her  order,  conversed  with  Spotted  Tail  through  the  inter¬ 
preter  for  some  time  before  we  passed  the  refreshments. 

After  all  present  had  been  provided  with  a  glass  of 
cider,  Sister  Mary  danced  gaily  to  the  center  of  the  room  and 
announced  that  she  would  like  to  clink  glasses  with  the  great 
chief  Spotted  Tail.  Upon  hearing  her  request,  Spotted  Tail, 
quite  as  gracefully  and  gaily,  danced  up  to  her.  This  wild 
country  could  hardly  show  a  stranger  spectacle  than  a  Sister 
of  Charity,  in  her  peaceful  robes,  and  a  savage  warrior,  in  his 
war-like  paraphernalia,  clinking  glasses! 

The  conversation  lasted  for  some  hours,  the  squaw  and  her 
daughter  saying  little.  Finally  it  occurred  to  me  that  it  might 
be  interesting  to  Sister  Mary  to  take  this  young  girl  back  with 
her  to  the  convent,  and  I  made  the  suggestion  to  her.  Her 
eyes  sparkled  with  delight  as  she  said  that  it  would  be  a 
feather  in  her  cap.  “Is  it  possible  that  we  can  arrange  it?” 
she  asked. 

On  making  the  suggestion  to  Spotted  Tail,  his  face  also 
beamed.  He  would  like  nothing  better  than  that  his  daughter 
should  live  among  the  white  people  and  learn  their  ways  and 
customs,  and  he  had  great  confidence  in  the  Sisters  of  Charity. 
While  the  matter  was  thoroughly  discussed  by  Sister  Mary  and 
Spotted  Tail,  I  watched  Shonkoo  and  her  mother. 

The  mother  appeared  delighted,  but  Shonkoo  was  expres¬ 
sionless.  I  suggested  to  the  interpreter  that  it  might  be  well 
to  see  what  the  daughter  had  to  say,  but  when  this  was  com¬ 
municated  to  Spotted  Tail,  he  said,  “That  is  all  right.  She 
will  go.” 

I  arranged  to  furnish  the  transportation  to  the  railroad,  a 
distance  of  about  one  hundred  miles.  Thev  would  be  readv 


172 


THIRD  PERIOD 


to  depart  in  three  days.  Spotted  Tail  stating  that  he  would 
bring  his  daughter  then  to  my  quarters  and  place  her  in  charge 
of  the  sister. 

The  morning  the  start  was  to  be  made,  everything  was  ready 
but  Shonkoo.  In  her  place  came  a  message  from  Spotted  Tail 
to  Sister  Mary  and  me  to  the  effect  that  Shonkoo  had  eloped 
the  night  before  with  a  young  Indian  by  the  name  of  Lone  Elk, 
and  Sister  Mary  returned  to  her  convent  despondent,  empty 
handed,  and  minus  the  feather  in  her  cap,  so  far  as  her  efforts 
to  civilize  Shonkoo  were  concerned. 


173 


Detail  to  Paris  Exposition 

In  1876,  being  senior  captain  of  cavalry  and  expecting  pro¬ 
motion,  I  obtained  six  months’  leave  of  absence,  but,  on  organi¬ 
zation  of  General  Crook’s  expedition  to  the  Powder  River  I 
surrendered  my  leave  until  the  Sioux  trouble  should  be  ended. 
When  I  returned  to  Camp  Sheridan,  the  six  months’  leave  was 
renewed,  and  we  started  for  Washington.  I  met  General  Crook 
at  Fort  Laramie.  We  stopped  a  day  or  two  before  proceeding 
in  our  ambulance  toward  the  railroad  at  Cheyenne.  We  were 
twelve  miles  from  Laramie  when  the  Adjutant  General,  Nick¬ 
erson,  overtook  us,  with  a  message  from  General  Crook,  who 
had  not  known  of  our  departure,  stating  his  appreciation  of 
my  services  during  the  campaign,  adding  that  he  felt  under 
more  obligations  to  me  than  to  any  other  officer  in  the  cam¬ 
paign,  and  that  if  there  was  any  official  favor  possible  for 
him  to  obtain,  I  had  only  to  ask.  Sure  of  my  majority  in  a 
short  time,  I  could  see  nothing  to  ask  that  he  might  procure 
for  me,  but,  after  Nickerson  departed,  Nannie  assured  me  that 
she  could  find  something,  and  jokingly  referred  to  her  remark 
while  in  Arizona  that  she  was  going  to  Europe  with  me  some 
day.  So,  when  we  arrived  in  Washington,  she  said,  “There  is 
to  be  an  international  exposition  in  Paris  next  May,  1878.  Why 
don’t  you  ask  the  General  to  recommend  you  for  a  detail 
there?”  I  took  her  advice  and  made  application  to  be  so 
detailed,  to  the  Secretary  of  War. 

Colonel  Reynolds,  of  my  regiment,  had  been  retired,  and 
Colonel  Devin,  whom  I  had  never  met,  joined  the  headquarters 
at  Fort  D.  A.  Russell. 

I  sent  my  application  to  the  Secretary  of  War  through  the 
adjutant,  Johnson,  who  knew  my  history,  supposing  that  Gen¬ 
eral  Crook  would  endorse  it  favorably.  But,  in  spite  of  the 
fact  that  everybody  in  the  regiment  knew  I  would  be  promoted 
before  my  leave  expired,  the  papers  were  endorsed  by  the 
Colonel,  “Respectfully  forwarded  disapproved.  This  officer’s 
services  are  needed  with  his  company.”  It  was  successively 


174 


THIRD  PERIOD 


endorsed  by  General  Crook  at  Omaha,  General  Sheridan  at 
Chicago,  and  General  Sherman  at  Washington,  “Respectfully 
forwarded  disapproved.” 

These  advices  to  the  Secretary  seemed  to  me  unfair.  I  was 
introduced  to  him,  and  told  him  I  had  been  unfairly  treated. 
He  encouraged  me  to  explain,  which  I  did,  adding  that  I  had 
served  in  my  proper  command  more  constantly  since  I  entered 
the  service  than  any  officer  in  the  army.  I  knew  little  of  the 
record  of  my  colonel,  but  I  asked  to  have  our  records  exam¬ 
ined,  and  that  if  he  had  not  been  absent  from  his  command 
two  days  to  my  one  I  would  withdraw  my  application;  but 
that  if  I  were  correct  I  asked  to  have  the  colonel’s  unfavorable 
endorsement  and  those  influenced  by  it  ignored.  A  day  or  two 
afterward  the  Secretary  sent  for  me.  “I  am  more  surprised 
at  the  result  than  by  your  statement,”  he  said.  “It  is  short  of 
the  facts,  and  I  shall  consider  the  endorsements  valueless;  but,” 
he  added,  “why  do  you  suppose  the  President  will  send  an 
attache  to  that  exposition?” 

“Mr.  Secretary,”  I  replied,  “because  he  ought  to.  The  Presi¬ 
dent  sent  McClellan  and  other  attaches  to  previous  expositions, 
such  as  the  Crystal  Palace  Exposition  in  London.  Officers  who 
have  served  in  the  Civil  and  Indian  Wars  are  as  much  entitled 
to  such  benefits  as  General  McClellan.”  The  next  day  a  note 
from  him  stated  the  President  had  decided  to  appoint  three 
attaches,  one  from  each  arm  of  the  service.  This  announce¬ 
ment  in  the  press  immediately  prompted  numerous  applica¬ 
tions,  but  Secretary  McCrary  assured  me  my  appointment 
would  issue  shortly. 

Nannie  and  I  sat  at  a  table  at  the  Ebbitt  House  next  to  that 
of  General  Sherman.  As  we  went  in  to  dinner  that  day.  Gen¬ 
eral  Sherman  stretched  out  his  hand  to  Nannie,  saying,  “Mrs. 
Mills,  I  want  to  congratulate  you.”  Nannie  diplomatically 
replied,  “What  for?”  though  she  knew  well.  “Why,  you  are 
going  to  Paris.  The  President  detailed  your  husband  as  mili¬ 
tary  attache  to  the  Paris  Exposition  today.”  Nannie  replied. 
“I  thank  you.  General  Sherman.”  General  Sherman  then  stated 


DETAIL  TO  PARIS  EXPOSITION 


175 


in  his  frank  and  noble  way,  “Don’t  thank  me,  Mrs.  Mills;  I  had 
nothing  to  do  with  it.” 

These  details  show  Nannie  was  my  inspiration.  She  approved 
of  every  move  made  in  the  matter  and  was  more  elated  than  I 
at  the  result. 

We  sailed  in  March,  1878,  on  a  Gurnard  steamer.  My  insur¬ 
ance  policy  required  that  I  obtain  permission  to  visit  a  foreign 
country,  but  at  the  offices  of  the  Knickerbocker  I  was  told  that 
the  company  would  issue  such  a  permit  only  if  I  agreed  to 
forfeit  my  policy  should  I  enter  any  city  in  which  there  was 
an  epidemic.  I  told  them  to  “go  to,”  that  I  would  live  longer 
than  their  company,  and  surrendered  my  policy,  on  which  I 
had  paid  eleven  assessments. 

Within  three  years  their  company  went  into  bankruptcy, 
and  I  am  still  living! 

We  had  an  uneventful  passage,  although  very  distressing  to 
Nannie  on  account  of  sea-sickness.  During  a  two  weeks’  stop 
in  London  we  visited  Nannie’s  relatives,  Mrs.  Langworthy,  at 
Guys  House,  Maidenhead,  near  Windsor  Castle.  The  Lang- 
worthys  were  delightful  people  and  our  acquaintance  a  very 
agreeable  experience,  although  it  began  in  a  rather  embar¬ 
rassing  way. 

Neither  of  us  had  much  experience  in  “high  society,”  or  had 
the  money  to  flourish  in  it.  We  carried  to  Guys  House  no  other 
clothing  than  that  in  our  traveling  bags.  At  the  depot,  a  great 
retinue  of  lackeys  clad  in  knee  breeches,  and  coach  and  bag¬ 
gage  wagon  apparently  waited  for  some  great  personage.  But 
Mr.  Edward  Langworthy,  the  son,  introduced  himself,  and 
asked  for  our  luggage,  when  we  rather  shamefacedly  confessed 
that  we  had  only  our  two  valises. 

We  were  dressed  simply,  like  most  Americans,  but  we 
had  America’s  courage,  and  met  the  situation  without  much 
chagrin.  The  Langworthys  dressed  for  dinner,  hut  we  had  to 
make  the  best  of  what  we  had.  We  had  a  bedroom  lit  by 
candles  and  without  fire,  although  it  was  March  and  the 
weather  very  cold. 


176 


THIRD  PERIOD 


In  the  ante-  room  the  next  morning  I  saw  a  large  wash- 
tub  in  the  middle  of  the  bare  floor,  two-thirds  full  of  water, 
and  a  chair  containing  some  towels  and  soap.  I  remarked, 
“Nannie,  look  at  that.  Do  they  expect  us  to  bathe  in  that  cold 
room  in  that  cold  water?  I* will  not  do  it.” 

Nannie  replied,  “Well,  I  am  too  proud  to  have  them  think 
we  do  not  w  ash,”  and,  seizing  the  soap,  she  made  a  lot  of  lather 
and  sprinkled  water  on  the  floor  to  leave  conclusive  evidence 
that  w'e  really  were  civilized. 

Mrs.  Langworthy  asked  me,  “How  do  you  get  about  in 
London?”  I  replied  that  we  used  the  omnibus,  as  Nannie 
thought  the  “Hansom  cabs”  unsafe,  and  refused  to  ride  in 
them.  Mrs.  Langworthy  said,  “You  shouldn’t  do  that.  Only 
tradespeople  and  banker’s  clerks  ride  in  omnibuses.” 

Before  going  to  Paris  my  commission  as  major  in  the  10th 
Cavalry  arrived.  A  military  tailor  made  me  a  uniform,  which, 
with  the  gay  attire  Nannie  bought  in  both  London  and  Paris, 
satisfied  Mrs.  Langworthy  on  our  second  visit,  made  after 
returning  from  Paris,  that  we  Americans  could  do  right  after 
all!  We  enjoyed  our  visits  in  their  beautiful  house,  a  fine 
English  estate,  and  always  recalled  our  acquaintance  with  our 
delightful  English  relatives  with  much  pleasure. 

We  were  in  Paris  at  the  opening  of  the  exposition,  where 
we  met  the  other  attaches.  Among  the  Americans  we  met 
Lucien  Young,  a  very  interesting  naval  officer,  in  whose  car¬ 
riage  Nannie  and  I  rode  to  the  opening.  Our  uniforms  con¬ 
formed  much  with  the  Prussian  style,  especially  my  helmet. 
Leaving  the  exposition  immediately  behind  the  Prince  of 
Wales’  entourage,  the  French  took  us  for  Germans,  and  looked 
upon  us  very  coldly.  Some  bright  Frenchman,  discovering  on 
my  helmet  the  words,  “E  Pluribus  Unum,”  called  out  to  his 
countrymen  that  we  were  Americans,  when  we  received  almost 
as  many  cheers  as  the  Prince  of  Wales  himself. 

Invited  by  President  McMahon  to  a  review  of  thirty  thousand 
cavalry,  I  was  informed  that  a  French  captain  wrould  have  a 
mount  for  me  in  the  Bois  de  Boulogne.  There  wrere  eight 


DETAIL  TO  DARI'S  EXPOSITION 


177 


American  officers  in  Paris,  most  of  them  in  official  capacity, 
and  when  I  arrived  they  were  all  there.  As  the  senior,  they 
insisted  I  approach  the  French  officer.  Speaking  little  French, 
I  was  somewhat  embarrassed.  But  with  the  assurance  of  an 
American,  I  called  out  to  the  dapper  young  French  artillery 
officer,  “Sood  morning,  captain;  do  you  speak  English?”  “No, 
I  do  not,”  he  replied,  “but  I  speak  American,  which  is  much 
better.  I  spent  four  years  as  military  attache  in  Washington, 
the  most  beautiful  city  in  the  world.” 

It  is  needless  to  say  that  his  diplomacy  made  us  all  his 
friends. 

As  Nannie  had  anticipated,  this  year’s  service  at  the  Paris 
Exposition  was  the  greatest  practical  and  instructive  education 
of  my  life.  A  practical  skilled  mechanic,  I  understood  the 
intricacies  of  mechanics,  and  here  in  one  building  was  assem¬ 
bled  all  the  latest  and  most  novel  machinery  of  the  world. 
The  sewing  machine  was  then  in  the  height  of  its  progres¬ 
sive  construction.  England,  hitherto  the  foremost  nation  in 
machinery  construction,  was  fast  losing  its  place  to  America 
and  France.  The  English  machine  was  distinguished  by  its 
clumsy,  angular  and  heavy  parts  and  the  difficulty  of  keeping 
it  in  order.  The  French  machines  were  better,  but  the  Amer¬ 
ican  machine  stood  first  in  all  that  made  it  handy,  graceful, 
symmetrical  and  useful.  And  so  it  was  with  all  the  other 
machinery.  Electric  light  and  power  was  in  its  infancy,  but 
here,  as  in  all  else,  the  best  appliances  for  its  use  were 
American. 

I  started  out  in  the  hope  of  learning  a  great  deal  from  the 
foreign  nations  in  my  conceived  invention  and  construction 
of  a  woven  cartridge  belt  and  other  web  equipment,  which  I 
felt  sure  could  be  made  as  strong  and  of  as  firm  consistency 
is  leather,  and  much  better  than  leather  because  it  was  lighter, 
more  flexible,  did  not  require  oiling,  and  was  less  likely  to 
break  in  the  process  of  wetting  and  drying  when  exposed  to 
the  weather.  However,  after  visiting  factories  in  France, 


178 


THIRD  PERIOD 


England  and  Germany,  I  found  that  they  knew  less  about 
weaving  such  fabrics  than  we  did  in  America. 

Nannie  and  I  traveled  much  during  our  stay  abroad. 

France  had  been  humiliated  by  Germany’s  conquest  and 
exaction  of  the  then  unheard  of  indemnity,  but  she  was  nol 
despondent.  In  the  dining  room  of  our  boarding  house,  41 
Rue  de  Clichv,  were  two  female  figures  on  pedestals  repre¬ 
senting  Alsace  and  Lorraine,  tears  streaming  down  their 
cheeks;  and  when  the  proprietress,  Madame  Thierry,  would 
speak  of  them  the  tears  would  roll  down  her  cheeks,  too.  The 
sympathy  of  Americans  was  generally  with  France. 

In  Germany  we  found  a  remarkable  condition.  In  one  sense 
unspoiled  by  her  great  victories,  so  cheaply  bought,  and  the 
acquisition  of  so  much  wealth  in  indemnity,  the  nation  was  just 
starting  two  propagandas.  One  was  to  organize  productive 
industry  and  encourage  the  sciences  and  arts,  with  the  object 
of  making  their  nation  foremost  as  a  commercial  producer. 
At  the  same  time,  Germany  planned  to  carry  her  products  to 
the  four  corners  of  the  earth,  in  which,  for  forty  years,  she 
was  entirely  successful. 

The  second,  as  unholy  and  unrighteous  as  the  first  was 
praiseworthy,  was  militarism,  in  which  the  rulers  of  the  nation 
sought  to  make  the  profession  of  the  soldier  universal,  with 
the  deliberate  and  cold-blooded  purpose  of  conquering  the  rest 
of  the  world,  as  Alexander,  Hannibal,  Caesar  and  Napoleon 
had  planned  before.  Germany  had  in  view  also  the  creation 
of  a  navy  which  could  overcome  England’s,  so  she  might  rule 
the  world  on  both  land  and  sea.  But  for  the  heroism  and  self- 
sacrifice  of  the  little  kingdom  of  Belgium,  with  only  eight 
millions  of  people,  they  would  have  succeeded. 

We  saw  many  idle  soldiers  lying  on  the  grassy  parapets  of 
their  forts  smoking,  while  near  them  women  dressed  in  rags 
carried  dirt  in  wheelbarrows  to  form  additional  parapets. 
Nannie  instinctively  foresaw  the  future.  She  even  then 
denounced  those  people  as  barbarous  and  inhuman,  and  for 
the  rest  of  her  life  she  hated  bitterly  German  militarism. 


DETAIL  TO  PARIS  EXPOSITION 


179 


In  England  we  found  the  people  divided  into  numerous 
classes,  royalty,  nobility,  gentlemen,  tradespeople,  and  com¬ 
mon  people.  Many  of  these  latter,  for  want  of  the  ambition 
and  self-reliance  necessary  to  bring  about  success,  had  become 
sordid  and  drunken. 

There  were  hundreds  of  street  cars  in  Paris  and  its  environs 
broad-mindedly  labeled  “American  Railway,”  but  hardly  one 
in  England. 

In  Manchester  (then  a  larger  city  than  New  York),  an 
apparently  intelligent  Scotch  policeman,  recognizing  me  as  an 
American,  proudly  pointed  to  a  brand  new  street  car  with  one 
horse,  and  remarked,  “I  suppose  you  don’t  have  anything  like 
that  in  America?”  When  I  replied  that  every  city  in  the  United 
States  having  twenty  thousand  population  had  a  street  car 
system,  he  evidently  regarded  me  as  a  sort  of  American  Baron 
Munchausen. 

The  upper  classes  relied  upon  their  control  of  the  sea  by  the 
largest  navy  in  the  world,  indirectly  to  extort  taxes  from  their 
millions  of  subjects  in  their  vast  possessions,  governed  without 
their  consent.  Suppressing  ambition  for  democracy  and 
restraining  maritime  commerce  of  other  nations,  is  perhaps 
not  as  cruel  and  barbarous  as  the  intended  control  of  the  world 
by  Germany,  but  is  quite  as  unrighteous  and  has  been  and  still 
is  detrimental  to  the  progress  and  advancement  of  weaker 
peoples. 

Of  all  countries  we  visited,  Switzerland  seemed  to  possess 
the  best  free  democratic  government  and  the  people  were  the 
happiest.  They  looked  you  in  the  face  with  a  cheerful  smile 
wherever  you  met  them  and  were  content  with  their  condition, 
as  they  have  been  for  over  three  hundred  years. 

The  difference  between  Europeans  and  Americans  we  found 
to  be  marked.  For  instance,  on  one  of  the  Lake  Geneva  pas¬ 
senger  steamers  from  Vevey  to  Geneva  we  found  a  thousand 
passengers,  composed  about  equally  of  Americans,  English, 
French,  Germans,  Spaniards,  and  Italians.  While  talking  to 
a  well-dressed  American  of  perhaps  twenty-five  years  of  age. 


180 


THIRD  PERIOD 


a  band  of  about  thirty  Italians  appeared  on  the  upper  deck 
where  most  of  the  passengers  were  assembled. 

Most  of  the  passengers,  especially  the  English,  would  no 
speak  to  each  other  without  a  formal  introduction,  so  socia 
greetings  were  few.  When  the  band  had  played  a  few  minutes 
this  American  took  off  his  hat  and  placed  a  handkerchief  ovei 
it  and  carried  it  through  the  crowd,  remarking,  “Something  foi 
the  band,  please.”  He  approached  every  passenger  on  deck 
Europeans  stared,  astonished  at  the  action  of  this  man  from  the 
“Woolly  West,”  but  Americans  smiled  encouragement.  He 
obtained  probably  the  largest  contribution  the  leader  had  evei 
received.  He  proceeded  to  the  band  and  every  man  and  woman 
was  gazing  at  him  in  perfect  silence  when  he  turned  over  the 
handkerchief  to  the  leader,  until  some  American  clapped  and 
every  American  joined  in.  We  were  all  proud  of  our  country¬ 
man. 

At  44  Rue  de  Clichy  our  son,  Anson  Cassel,  was  born  od 
November  19,  1878.  He  was  our  joy  for  the  next  fifteen  years. 
His  birth  delayed  our  return  until  March,  1879,  when  we  took 
passage  on  a  Cunarder.  In  Washington  I  received  orders  to 
proceed  to  the  headquarters  of  the  10th  Cavalry. 


181 


182 


Out  West  Again 

We  traveled  to  Fort  Concho,  Texas,  an  uncomfortable  and 
unprepossessing  post,  by  ambulance  from  San  Antonio,  arriv¬ 
ing  April  11, 1879,  and  I  served  with  the  10th  Cavalry  (colored) 
for  twelve  years,  and  was  executive  officer  for  Colonel  B.  H. 
Grierson,  commanding  the  post,  regiment  and  district  under 
General  Ord,  department  commander. 

A  big-hearted  man,  the  only  experience  Grierson  had  in 
military  affairs  was  as  a  general  of  volunteers,  with  which  he 
was  successful.  With  no  experience  in  the  regular  army,  even 
the  best  intentions  did  not  fit  him  for  the  required  discipline. 
He  left  the  details  of  the  post  and  regiment  entirely  to  me, 
signing  only  papers  which  went  to  his  superiors.  He  was  too 
prone  to  forgive  offenses  and  trust  to  promises  for  reform, 
which  rendered  the  discipline  and  reputation  of  the  regiment 
poor. 

In  May,  1881,  Indian  troubles  took  me  with  a  squadron  of 
four  companies  to  Fort  Sill.  Nannie  accompanied  me  the 
225  miles,  and  there,  on  October  22d,  our  daughter,  Constance 
Lydia,  a  joy  and  comfort  to  us  both,  was  born.  She  was  only 
eight  days  old  when  we  were  ordered  back  to  Concho,  making 
that  trip,  as  we  had  the  previous  one,  by  wagon  transportation, 
Nannie  with  her  baby  and  little  Anson  riding  in  the  ambulance. 

In  July,  ’82,  the  headquarters  of  the  regiment  was  transferred 
to  Fort  Davis,  when  we  again  made  a  225  miles  journey  with 
wagon  and  ambulance  transportation. 

Fort  Davis  was  dry  and  cool,  a  most  pleasant  climate,  but 
as  hostile  Indians  occasionally  made  raids  on  the  citizens,  as 
at  Fort  Concho,  we  were  kept  busy.  Fort  Davis  is  near  El  Paso. 
My  interests  took  us  frequently  to  that  city.  Among  other 
activities,  jointly  with  Judge  Crosby  I  built  the  largest  hotel 
then  in  Texas. 

April  1, 1885,  the  regiment  exchanged  stations  with  the  Third 
Cavalry  in  Arizona.  We  made  that  long  and  distressing  march 


Little  Anson  at  Five  and  One-Half  Years.  Constance  at  Two  and  One-Half  Years. 


183 


184 


Street  in  El  Paso  in  Its  Deserted  Days,  About  1870. 


OUT  WEST  AGAIN 


185 


also  with  wagon  and  ambulance  transportation.  Arriving  at 
El  Paso  in  a  terrible  sand-storm,  we  found  the  Rio  Grande 
unfordable.  The  only  bridge  crossed  into  Mexico  three  miles 
below  the  New  Mexican  line.  According  to  international  law, 
we  could  not  pass  over  Mexican  territory  without  the  consent 
of  the  two  governments,  so  we  were  delayed  a  week  most 
uncomfortably,  awaiting  the  tedious  international  interchanges 
to  enable  us  to  cross.  We  finally  arrived  at  Deming  (in  a 
terrible  sand-storm),  meeting  most  of  the  troops  of  the  3d 
Cavalry  there. 

I  was  ordered  to  Fort  Thomas  on  the  Gila  River,  next  to 
Yuma,  the  hottest  post  in  the  republic  and  the  most  sickly, 
excepting  none.  It  was  one  of  the  most  desolate  posts  in  which 
we  ever  served.  The  valley  was  very  low  and  hot.  The  moun¬ 
tains  on  each  side  of  the  river  were  some  six  or  seven  thousand 
feet  higher  than  the  valley  and  only  about  six  or  eight  miles 
apart,  so  what  little  rain  there  was  fell  on  these  mountains. 

I  have  often  seen  a  heavy  storm  pass  across  the  river  from 
mountain  to  mountain,  and  watched  almost  a  cloudburst  of 
rain  falling  from  the  immense  height  only  to  be  absorbed  by 
the  arid  atmosphere  before  it  reached  the  valley.  Here  many 
of  our  soldiers  died  in  an  epidemic  of  a  very  malignant,  burn¬ 
ing  fever,  which  the  post  surgeon,  Dr.  Edward  Carter,  was 
unable  to  check.  Informed  that  if  we  had  ice  the  doctor  could 
save  many  lives,  I  made  requisition  for  an  ice  machine  to  cost 
three  thousand  dollars.  It  was  twice  returned  by  the  War 
Department  disapproved,  the  principal  reason  being  that  the 
Quartermaster  General  and  the  Surgeon  General  could  not 
agree  which  department  should  pay  for  the  wood  to  run  the 
engine! 

Exasperated,  I  appealed  to  General  Sheridan  personally. 
General  Sheridan  gave  the  two  chieftains  his  opinion  of  them 
in  such  strong  language  that  the  appropriation  for  the  machine 
was  soon  furnished,  the  first  authorized  in  the  army. 

Our  little  daughter  Constance  was  taken  with  the  disease. 


186 


THIRD  PERIOD 


and  Dr.  Carter  told  us  that  she  might  not  recover  without  ice.  I 
I  wired  Colonel  Shatter,  commanding  Fo:t  Grant,  half  way  to 
the  railroad  seventy  miles  away,  and  he  supplied  me  with  two 
hundred  pounds,  rolled  in  blankets,  within  twelve  hours.  The 
day  after  the  doctor  reduced  my  daughter’s  temperature  and 
she  recovered. 

While  at  Thomas  the  Northern  Apaches  went  on  the  war¬ 
path.  Geronimo  and  his  wild  followers  devastating  the  settle¬ 
ments  and  killing  many  men,  women  and  children,  whom  we 
buried  in  the  post  cemetery.  This  war  lasted  two  years  before 
our  troops  drove  tbe  Apaches  into  Mexico  and,  by  agreement 
with  the  Mexican  Government,  followed  them  there,  capturing 
Geronimo. 

Contract  Surgeon  Dr.  Leonard  Wood,  now  the  senior  major 
general  in  the  United  States  Army  (who  at  one  time  attended 
my  family),  volunteered  to  act  as  surgeon  in  the  expedition 
into  Mexico,  carrying  his  kit  on  his  back  while  commanding  a 
company  of  friendly  Indians,  which  he  did  excellently.  For 
this  General  Miles,  commanding  the  department,  became  much 
attached  to  him. 

To  carry  water  into  the  post  I  had  set  the  men  to  work 
building  ditches,  and  also  planted  several  hundred  trees,  which 
began  to  grow  well.  General  Miles,  visiting  the  camp  on 
inspection,  told  me  I  deserved  a  better  post.  He  relieved 
General  Grierson  from  Fort  Grant  and  placed  me  in  command 
of  that  seven-company  post.  General  Grierson  recommended 
its  abandonment  for  want  of  water,  but  General  Miles  said  he 
knew  I  could  get  water  from  the  mountains  and  make  Grant 
one  of  the  best  posts.  He  supported  me  in  requisitions  for  all 
the  material  and  money  I  needed. 

At  a  cost  of  sixteen  thousand  dollars  I  put  in  a  most  excellent 
water  and  sewage  system,  with  a  cement-walled  lake  in  the 
middle  of  the  parade  ground,  sixty  by  two  hundred  feet.  Here¬ 
tofore  the  parade  ground  and  the  officers’  yards  were  bare  of 
grass  because  of  the  extreme  drought  and  the  millions  of  ants 
which  ate  the  grass.  We  put  fountains  all  over  the  post, 


My  Family  and  Commanding  Officer’s  Quarters,  Fort  Thomas,  A.  T. 


187 


Picnic  Under  Columnar  Cactus  Near  Fort  Thomas,  A.  T. 

Read,  Mills,  Mrs.  Viele,  Whipple,  Nannie,  Little  Anson  Constance,  Freeman. 


OUT  WEST  AGAIN 


189 


capable  of  throwing  water  one  hundred  feet  high,  as  the 
reservoirs  had  four  hundred  feet  pressure.  I  established  a 
small  water  motor  which  sawed  all  the  wood  and  ran  all  the 
machines  in  the  carpenter  shop. 

General  Miles  visited  the  post  after  my  work  was  completed 
and  issued  a  very  complimentary  order  which  gave  me  a 
standing  throughout  the  army  as  one  capable  of  meeting 
unusual  difficulties  in  my  line. 

Grant  was  in  a  most  beautiful  climate,  about  four  thousand 
feet  above  the  sea,  with  Mount  Graham  six  thousand  feet 
higher,  three  miles  away.  The  climate,  trees,  foliage,  flowers 
and  rapid  streams  of  this  mountain  were  much  like  the 
Adirondacks,  so  we  built  a  small  log  hut  camp  there  for  the 
ladies  and  children. 

Nannie’s  description  of  a  visit  to  this  camp  is  better  than 
any  I  can  write. 

In  Camp,  Near  Fort  Grant, 

July  18,  1888. 

My  Dear  Mother  : 

We  left  the  post  at  a  little  after  two  on  Saturday  afternoon. 
Anson  had  a  big  mule  to  ride,  little  Anson  had  a  horse  led  by 
an  orderly,  I  had  a  pony  with  Constance  on  behind  me.  I  was 
astride.  We  soon  had  to  ascend  and  of  all  the  trails  you  could 
imagine!  I  could  not  have  undertaken  it  if  I  had  seen  it.  I 
would  just  as  lief  ride  a  pony  upstairs,  indeed  rather,  for  if 
he  fell  I  should  not  have  so  far  to  go,  but  on  the  trail  if  the 
pony  had  made  a  misstep  in  some  places  we  should  have  gone 
helter  skelter  down  a  long  way.  I  thought  it  was  quite  dan¬ 
gerous,  but  Anson  would  not  let  me  dismount  for  he  said  if  I 
walked  once  I  would  not  want  to  ride,  and  indeed  I  could  not 
have  walked  far,  for  we  began  to  rise  so  rapidly  that  one  gets 
out  of  breath  soon.  We  zigzagged  up  the  steepest  places  and 
at  last  reached  the  top,  where  it  is  perfectly  lovely,  the  ground 
is  covered  with  grass  and  some  of  the  most  beautiful  flowers 
I  have  ever  seen,  and  such  quantities.  There  are  loads  of  trees, 


190 


OUT  WEST  AGAIN 


191 


!  principally  pines.  When  we  go  back  we  shall  have  to  walk 
about  three  miles,  for  it  is  very  dangerous  to  ride  down  such 
steep  places.  We  are  all  good  walkers,  however,  and  can  do  it 
nicely.  I  would  not  have  missed  coming  up  for  anything,  for 
the  ride  was  an  entirely  new  experience  and  one  that  I  shall 
never  have  again.  It  is  perfectly  lovely  in  the  camp,  and 
though  this  is  the  rainy  season  and  we  have  rains  every  day, 
it  only  lasts  a  short  time  and  the  sun  soon  dries  things  up. 
Yesterday  it  hailed. 

When  we  reached  the  top  of  the  steep  road,  we  were  about 
8,000  feet  above  the  sea,  but  we  then  began  to  descend  in 
order  to  camp  near  water,  so  we  are  only  about  7,000  feet  or  a 
little  more  above  the  sea.  Graham  peak,  which  is  10,600  feet 
elevation,  is  six  miles  from  here  and  easily  reached,  that  is, 
it  is  a  perfectly  good  and  safe  road,  but  steep,  and  on  account 
of  the  altitude  the  air  of  course  is  rarified  and  one  so  soon 
gets  out  of  breath.  We  are  going  there  in  a  few  days,  after 
we  get  used  to  the  altitude.  We  all  have  immense  appetites, 
and  though  our  feet  are  wet  sometimes  for  hours,  take  no  cold. 

I  am  so  sorry  Anson  had  to  go  down  to  Tucson,  for  it  is 
extremely  hot  there.  I  think  we  shall  soon  know  where  we 
are  going,  and  when.  I  forgot  to  say  that  Anson  came  up 
with  us  Saturday  and  went  down  Monday.  Our  camp  is  about 
six  miles  from  the  post,  and  it  takes  three  or  four  hours  to 
come,  so  you  may  know  how  steep  it  is.  We  are  all  in  tents,  as 
the  log  cabin  that  Anson  had  commenced  is  not  yet  finished. 
Our  party  consists  of  Mrs.  Corbusier,  her  five  boys,  Mrs.  Viele 
and  her  sister  (a  young  lady)  myself  and  two  children  and 
the  chaplain.  Across  the  pretty  little  brook  which  runs 
through  the  camp  are  four  more  tents  occupied  by  several 
sergeants’  families,  and  lower  down  the  creek  are  the  soldiers, 
who  are  felling  trees  and  building  the  cabin.  I  forgot  to  say 
we  have  two  cooks  in  our  party,  very  necessary  adjuncts  when 
one  considers  the  numerous  and  healthy  appetites. 

Your  loving  daughter. 


Nannie. 


192 


OUT  WEST  AGAIN 


193 


Camp  on  the  Mountains, 

July  22,  1888. 


VIy  Dear  Mother: 

We  have  been  here  a  week  yesterday,  and  notwithstanding 
t  has  rained  every  day,  we  have  had  a  good  time.  The  rains 
lo  not  last  long  and  it  soon  dries  up.  There  are  the  greatest 
[iiantity  of  beautiful  flowers  here.  I  have  a  large  bouquet  in 
ny  tent  about  fifteen  inches  in  diameter  and  taller  than  it  is 
vide.  We  have  had  bear  meat,  a  young  fawn  and  wild  straw- 
lerries.  The  nights  are  if  anything  too  cold.  We  have  taken 
everal  tramps,  one  of  them  to  an  old  hunter’s  camp.  He 
omes  over  to  see  us  often  and  enjoys  the  break  in  his  lone- 
iness.  He  is  alone  in  his  camp  except  for  a  dog,  which  is 
ilmost  as  dear  to  him  as  a  child,  and  two  or  three  ponies.  He 
s  going  to  show  us  the  way  to  the  top  of  the  mountains.  He 
ame  over  to  see  us  last  night  and  sat  by  the  big  log  camp 
ire,  and  while  we  popped  corn  regaled  us  with  numerous 
ales,  all  of  which  I  took  with  a  grain  of  salt. 

You  would  he  surprised  to  see  how  comfortable  we  can  be 
n  camp  with  a  very  little.  I  have  turned  a  box  on  one  side 
or  a  hook  case,  put  another  on  top  where  I  keep  my  writing 
Materials,  over  it  all  I  have  thrown  a  large  towel,  and  with  the 
nineh  of  flowers  I  spoke  of  on  top,  it  looks  very  well.  I  have 
nother  box  for  washstand,  another  for  clothes,  and  with  nails 
(riven  in  the  tent  poles  to  hang  clothes,  medicine  bag,  little 
poking  glass,  canteen,  etc.,  things  are  quite  shipshape. 

Your  loving  daughter, 

Nannie. 


I  Fort  Grant,  A.  T., 

August  4,  1888. 

Iy  Dear  Mother: 

We  were  up  in  the  mountains  when  I  last  wrote  you.  Anson 
ame  hack  from  the  court  he  was  on  and  he  and  the  doctor 
nine  up  on  the  mountain.  We  went  the  next  day  on  horses  and 


15)1 


OUT  WEST  AGAIN 


195 


burros  to  the  summit  of  Mt.  Graham.  It  was  about  four  miles 
from  our  camp,  and  is  ten  thousand  six  hundred  feet  above  the 
level  of  the  sea.  We  wrote  our  names  and  put  them  in  the  tin 
;an  left  by  the  surveyors.  Anson  and  Constance  Lydia  both 
wrote  their  own  names.  It  was  a  very  pleasant  trip.  I  rode 
i  burro,  astride,  of  course,  as  I  shall  never  ride  any  other  way. 
\nson  is  going  to  take  my  picture  as  I  appeared.  Anson  came 
ip  to  the  camp  on  Friday.  On  Saturday  we  went  to  the 
iummit.  That  same  evening,  in  a  pouring  rain,  a  courier 
:ame  in  bringing  a  copy  of  dispatches  from  San  Carlos  saying 
ix  Indians  had  gotten  away  and  the  troops  were  after  them. 
)f  course  we  could  not  tell  but  it  was  the  beginning  of  another 
>ig  outbreak.  The  commanding  officer  of  Fort  Grant  said  he 
lad  already  sent  out  some  pack  mules  and  might  have  to  send 
tut  all  the  rest,  hut  if  we  wished  to  come  down  to  the  post  next 
lay  he  would  send  us  what  animals  he  could  spare.  We 
mmediately  decided  to  come  down  to  the  post,  for  in  case  of 
n  outbreak,  the  Indians  could  easily  take  our  camp.  We  left 
he  camp  about  two  o'clock  Sunday  afternoon.  Anson  was 
lounted  on  a  horse  with  Constance  behind  him.  I  had  a  big 
JL'hite  mule  with  little  Anson  behind  me.  We  rode  about  a 
ule  and  reached  the  steep  part  of  the  trail  where  I  was  afraid 
a  ride  down.  Indeed  the  whole  party,  about  thirteen  of  us, 
ismounted  and  walked  down  the  steepest  part.  We  could  in 
laces  look  down  on  the  post  which  looked  so  green,  like  an 
asis  in  the  desert.  Mrs.  Viele,  Constance  and  I  walked  for 
bout  two  miles,  as  we  did  not  care  to  ride  over  places  steeper 
lan  a  pair  of  stairs,  but  the  rest  mounted  before  we  did.  We 
cached  the  post  about  six  o’clock,  pretty  tired.  The  next  day, 
ionday,  I  was  stiff  and  tired,  hut  everything  in  the  house 
eeded  straightening  up. 

Tuesday  Anson  told  me  that  General  Miles  would  be  here 
7  Thursday.  As  the  new  commanding  officer  very  kindly 
lid  we  could  keep  this  house  till  his  wife  came,  thus  saving 
Is  the  trouble  of  a  move,  we  had  to  entertain  General  Miles. 


196 


THIRD  PERIOD 


We  straightened  up  the  house  and*  expected  him  about  eleve 
o’clock  Thursday  morning,  when  lo!  he  drove  in  at  seven  i 
the  morning,  before  we  were  out  of  bed.  We  hurried  to  dres; 
and  as  he  expected  to  go  right  on  to  San  Carlos  immediate! 
after  breakfast,  I  told  Sallie  to  cook  the  chickens  for  breakfas 
that  we  had  intended  giving  him  for  dinner.  Breakfast  wa 
late,  of  course,  as  General  Miles  took  a  nap  and  a  bath,  and  i 
was  ten  o’clock  when  we  were  through.  I  hurried  to  fix  hin 
a  box  of  luncheon  to  take  with  him,  and  they  would  hav 
started  immediately  but  some  telegram  came  which  decidet 
him  to  wait  for  further  news.  We  sent  to  the  butcher’s  for  ; 
roast  of  beef,  as  we  had  eaten  up  the  chickens  intended  fo 
dinner.  He  had  no  meat  fit  to  roast,  so  Sallie  chopped  it  uj 
and  made  a  meat  roll.  We  had  dinner  at  five  o’clock.  Genera 
Miles,  Colonel  Pearson  and  Mr.  Jerome  taking  dinner  with  us 
The  latter  is  a  cousin  of  Lady  Randolph  Churchill.  We  hai 
soup,  fish,  claret,  meat,  vegetables,  olives,  champagne,  puddin< 
and  coffee,  a  dish  of  flowers  in  the  center  of  the  table  am 
flowers  in  the  finger  bowls.  I  should  have  had  a  salad,  bu 
there  was  no  oil  in  the  commissary.  After  dinner  I  rearrange! 
the  lunch,  and  they  got  off.  I  told  General  Miles  he  was  like  i 
flea,  no  one  ever  knew  where  to  put  one’s  finger  on  him. 

He  laughed  and  said,  “About  as  disagreeable  as  one 
also.”  He  told  lots  of  funny  stories  and  was  very  pleasant 
He  praised  the  post  which  Anson  has  improved  so  much  ant 
which  certainly  looked  at  its  best,  all  beautifully  green,  the 
lake  full  of  clear  water,  the  fine  fountains  playing  and  the 
sun  shining  through  them.  General  Miles  showed  Anson  ar 
endorsement  he  had  made  on  an  official  paper  regarding  him 
(Anson)  which  was  extremely  complimentary.  In  fact,  he 
could  not  have  said  more,  as  he  praised  him  to  the  skies. 

I  hope  the  Indian  business  will  be  settled  soon.  I  was  so 
sorry  to  leave  the  mountains.  It  was  delightful  up  there,  and 
we  intended  to  stay  three  weeks  longer.  We  were  there  only  1 
two  weeks.  It  was  so  cool  at  nights  we  had  to  have  a  big  fire 


Summer  Camp  on  Mt.  Graham,  Near  Fort  Grant. 


197 


198 


Nannie  and  Constance  at  Fort  Grant,  Artificial  Lake  in  Background. 


OUT  WEST  AGAIN 


199 


and  sleep  under  several  blankets,  indeed  one  or  two  nights  I 
slept  under  four  blankets  and  a  buffalo  robe. 

Your  loving  daughter, 

Nannie. 

At  this  time,  anticipating  promotion,  I  took  leave  and, 
selling  most  of  our  belongings,  we  went  to  Boston.  Here  we 
bought  a  carload  of  household  goods,  shipping  it  by  the  Santa 
Fe.  The  car  was  burned  at  Deming,  but  the  railroad  company 
had  insured  it  and  we  recovered  the  full  value  of  our  new 
goods.  But  among  the  losses  which  could  not  be  valued  was 
Nannie’s  diary,  which  she  had  kept  in  detail  for  eighteen  years 
and  from  which  she  expected  to  write  a  book.  That  was  one 
of  the  discouragements  we  faced  in  planning  mutually  to 
write  our  reminiscences. 

In  May,  1889,  I  was  assigned  to  duty  at  Fort  Bliss,  Texas,  as 
supervising  engineer  under  Colonel  Nettleton  of  the  Geological 
Survey.  I  remained  until  April,  1890,  when  as  lieutenant 
colonel  of  the  4th  Cavalry,  with  three  companies  of  that 
regiment,  I  was  stationed  at  the  Presidio,  San  Francisco,  as 
executive  officer  under  Col.  W.  M.  Graham  of  the  5th  Artillery. 

This  large  post,  adjacent  to  a  very  large  and  interesting  city, 
was  the  most  enjoyable  station  we  ever  had.  The  children 
enjoyed  it,  Anson  going  to  school  and  Constance  having  a 
good  teacher  at  home. 

Numerous  balls,  dances  and  other  amusements  in  addition 
to  strenuous  duties,  kept  us  all  busy  and  healthy.  Here,  again, 
we  had  the  good  fortune  to  have  Dr.  Leonard  Wood,  then  a 
regular  army  doctor,  as  our  family  physician. 

Col.  W.  B.  Shafter  commanded  Angel  Island  in  San  Fran¬ 
cisco  Harbor  and  he,  Colonel  Graham  and  I  constituted  the 
first  hoard  under  the  new  law  for  examination  of  officers  for 
promotion.  It  was  a  very  lively,  and,  I  think,  an  efficient 
loard.  We  examined  some  thirty-three  officers. 

When  some  members  of  the  4th  Cavalry  murdered  a  citizen, 
it  regimental  headquarters,  Walla  Walla,  I  was  sent  to  com- 


200 


THIRD  PERIOD 


mand  the  regiment,  the  colonel  being  suspended  for  neglect. 
We  liked  Presidio,  so  this  move  was  a  disappointment.  To 
our  surprise  we  found  Walla  Walla  among  the  most  pleasant, 
agreeable  and  efficient  posts  at  which  we  had  ever  been 
stationed.  The  officers  and  ladies  were  unanimously  har¬ 
monious  and  the  regiment,  notwithstanding  the  bad  reputation 
it  had  for  this  murder,  was  in  every  way  the  best  disciplined 
and  efficient  I  had  ever  served  in. 

Nannie,  as  usual,  was  one  of  the  leaders  in  all  the  entertain¬ 
ments,  which  were  patronized  not  only  by  the  ladies  and 
officers  of  the  post,  but  by  an  equal  number  of  citizens  from 
the  beautiful  city  of  Walla  Walla,  at  that  time  the  wealthiest 
town  in  proportion  to  its  population  in  the  country. 

The  command  was  an  interesting  one  because  of  the  great  ; 
number  of  semi-civilized  Indians  in  the  vicinity  who  were 
trying  hard  to  make  an  honest  living  under  great  disadvan-  > 
tages.  The  citizens  did  not  credit  them  with  good  intentions 
because  of  their  inability  to  make  a  living  out  of  the  soil.  They 
were  driven  from  pillar  to  post,  but  always  came  to  the  army 
for  relief,  trusting,  as  all  our  North  American  Indians  have 
always  trusted,  in  the  officers. 

In  July,  1892,  with  our  two  children,  we  made  a  most  enjoy¬ 
able  tour  of  Alaska,  by  way  of  Seattle  and  the  steamship 
“Queen,”  through  the  inner  deep  water  channels  with  their 
still  water  and  surrounding  mountains  covered  with  inex-  | 
haustible  cedar.  We  visited  dense  forests  of  timber  near  Sitka,  j 
where  the  warm  Chinook  winds  carry  sufficient  moisture  to 
keep  them  damp  through  the  entire  year,  so  that  no  forest 
fires  ever  occur.  The  moss  accumulated  over  fallen  trees, 
which  did  not  decay.  Huge  trees  several  hundred  years  old 
grow  upon  others,  as  large  and  as  ancient,  though  dead. 
Fallen  logs  preserve  so  well  that  many  are  as  available  as  the 
standing  trees  for  lumber.  Cattle  live  the  year  around  on  this 
constantly  growing  moss. 

We  stopped  at  Wrangell  and  Juneau,  and  spent  some  time 
at  Sitka,  visiting  Treadwell,  the  great  silver  mine.  We  stopped 


201 


i 


Father  and  Son  at  58  and  13.  Taken  at  Fort  Walla  Walla. 


202 


THIRD  PERIOD 


a  couple  of  days  to  see  the  wonderful  Muir  glacier,  traveling 
several  miles  over  the  surface  of  the  solid  ice  mass.  Twenty- 
seven  miles  long  and  several  miles  wide,  it  moves  gradually 
downward  to  the  sea  by  force  of  gravity,  averaging  seventy 
feet  per  day.  As  it  moves,  this  great  mass  tears  from  the  solid 
granite  below  huge  masses  of  rocks,  and  pedestrians  can  hear 
the  crushing  of  the  rocks.  On  reaching  the  salt  water,  which  j 
is  very  deep,  the  ice  begins  to  soften  and  disintegrate,  and  i 
periodically  falls  in  great  shales,  sometimes  two  miles  in  length  ] 
and  nine  hundred  feet  deep,  into  the  water,  only  two  hundred  i 
feet  being  above  the  water  line. 

The  captain  stood  off  two  miles  from  the  glacier  for  us  to 
see  a  berg  break  off,  which  happened  in  the  afternoon.  We  i 
could  plainly  see  this  immense  body  of  ice  fall  into  the  water. 

It  careened,  disappeared,  broke  into  many  parts  and  finally 
appeared  on  the  surface  as  bergs  moving  out  to  sea.  The 
waves  caused  by  this  immense  movement  of  ice  rocked  the 
ship  as  if  we  were  in  a  storm. 

I  was  promoted  colonel  of  cavalry,  not  assigned,  while  I 
held  command  of  the  4th.  On  the  colonel’s  restoration,  in 
February,  1893,  I  was  assigned  as  colonel  of  the  3d  Cavalry  at 
Fort  McIntosh,  and  joined  February  28,  1893,  where  I  had  as  ; 
adjutant  Thomas  B.  Dugan  and  as  quartermaster  John  T.  1 
Knight,  both  efficient  officers. 

The  Garza  Mexican  troubles  on  the  Rio  Grande  were  then 
in  full  force,  and  my  regiment  was  assigned  to  duty  along  ; 
the  lower  Rio  Grande,  leaving  two  companies  of  infantry  at  \ 
McIntosh. 

Numerous  bands  of  Mexicans,  half  from  Mexico  and  half 
from  the  United  States,  committed  depredations,  stole  prop-  | 
erty  and  killed  Americans  all  along  the  river  to  Brownsville.  I 
This  so-called  Garza  war  kept  my  troops  busy  marching,  and 
in  the  difficult  effort  to  punish  them  we  lost  a  number  of  men. 

Another  disturbing  element  between  the  two  countries  was 
the  formation  of  large  islands  in  the  river.  The  shifting 
stream  produced  these  “baneos,”  as  they  were  called,  which, 


OUT  WEST  AGAIN 


203 


when  two  or  three  hundred  acres  in  extent,  were  claimed  by 
the  more  excitable  and  lawless  of  both  sides.  They  were  used 
as  a  refuge  by  smugglers  and  other  criminals  denying  the 
jurisdiction  of  both  countries. 

One  of  the  bancos,  Banco  de  Vela,  was  used  by  an  American 
as  a  pasturage  for  about  three  thousand  sheep.  The  Mexican 
customs  authorities  put  the  herders  in  jail  and  took  the  sheep 
into  Mexico,  as  confiscated  under  their  revenue  laws.  In 
retaliation  the  sheriff  of  the  Texan  county  put  the  Mexicans 
found  on  the  banco  in  jail. 

Colonel  Minero,  commanding  the  4th  Mexican  Cavalry,  at 
the  city  of  Reynosa,  was  opposite  Banco  de  Vela.  My  regiment, 
the  3d  U.  S.  Cavalry,  was  drawn  up  on  one  side  to  prevent 
further  arrests  and  probable  conflicts  between  the  contending 
parties.  This  situation  caused  the  organization  of  the  Boun¬ 
dary  Commission,  of  which  I  was  later  a  member.  (Text,  277.) 

Ordered  to  relieve  the  2d  Cavalry  under  Colonel  Wade,  with 
my  regiment,  the  3rd,  I  arrived  at  Fort  Reno,  June  24,  1893.  I 
had  always  stated  that  if  I  ever  became  colonel  and  the  authori¬ 
ties  gave  me  an  insignificant  command  of  but  one  or  two  com¬ 
panies,  the  band  and  the  laundresses,  I  would  apply  for  retire¬ 
ment.  A  few  days  after  reaching  Fort  Reno,  one  company 
was  detached,  leaving  me  but  two  companies  of  my  own  regi¬ 
ment.  I  wrote  General  Miles,  commanding  the  department,  my 
official  and  personal  friend,  that  as  regulations  held  me  re¬ 
sponsible  for  the  efficiency  and  discipline  of  my  regiment,  I 
would  prefer  to  take  advantage  of  my  right  to  retire  on  thirty 
years,  unless  I  could  be  furnished  with  at  least  half  of  the 
regiment.  For  that  purpose  I  asked  six  months’  leave. 

The  general  replied  that  he  would,  if  it  were  possible, 
furnish  me  the  half  or  the  whole  of  my  regiment,  but  the 
conditions  were  such  that  he  could  not.  When  I  applied,  he 
recommended  my  leave.  Nannie,  with  Constance,  had  pre¬ 
ceded  me  to  Worcester,  where  I  went  to  make  arrangements 
to  retire  and  devote  my  attention  to  my  cartridge  belt  factory 
there. 


204 


THIRD  PERIOD 


But  General  Gresham,  who  knew  of  my  familiarity  with  the  i 
banco  troubles,  told  me  the  President  had  decided  to  appoint  a 
Boundary  Commissioner,  and  offered  me  the  post.  Supposing 
that  it  would  only  last  a  year  or  two,  and  knowing  that  I  was 
well  acquainted  with  the  people  of  both  sides  and  the  nature 
of  the  questions  involved,  I  decided  to  accept.  Then  it  was 
discovered  that  I  could  not  lawfully  do  so,  unless  I  resigned 
my  army  commission,  as  no  one  could  hold  two  government 
positions.  The  Secretary  told  me  he  was  so  anxious  I  should 
take  the  place,  lie  would  procure  a  resolution  from  Congress 
authorizing  me  to  accept  it  as  a  colonel  of  cavalry,  with  pay 
and  allowances  as  such,  which  he  did.  I  entered  upon  this 
duty,  not  expecting  it  to  last  long,  or  to  become  a  general. 

As  1  look  hack  over  my  military  career  I  am  impressed  with 
the  changes  which  time  has  wrought  in  the  size  of  the  military 
establishment.  When  I  was  made  a  colonel,  there  were  but 
seventy-two  colonels  in  the  line,  although  forty-five  States, 
represented  by  ninety  senators,  were  then  in  the  Union. 

When  I  was  made  a  general  officer  there  were  hut  nine  gen- 
ral  officers  in  the  line  of  the  army;  while  at  that  time  the 
President  of  the  United  States  had  eight  cabinet  officers. 

Since  leaving  active  service  I  have  retained  my  interest  in 
military  affairs,  and  have  been  so  intimately  connected  with 
military  orders  as  to  be  an  ex-commander  of  the  Loyal  Legion, 
an  ex-commander  of  the  Order  of  Indian  Wars,  and  am  an 
honorary  member  of  the  Indiana  Society  of  Engineers. 


205 


Brevet  Commissions  in  the  Army 

Prior  to  the  Civil  War  the  Government  established  a  satis¬ 
factory  system  of  brevets,  conferred  on  officers  who  distin¬ 
guished  themselves  in  action,  so  regulated  that  rights  to  pro¬ 
motion  of  those  commissioned  in  special  corps  might  not  be 
infringed,  while  allowing  the  beneficiary  to  exercise  rank  and 
command  by  authority  of  his  brevet  whenever  placed  on  duty 
with  a  mixed  command.  Thus,  when  a  company  of  artillery 
and  one  of  infantry  served  together,  a  junior  captain  with  the 
brevet  rank  of  major  might  assume  and  exercise  command. 
(When  a  Captain  I  so  exercised  the  rank  of  brevet  Lieutenant 
Colonel,  over  a  real  lieutenant  colonel  by  priority  of  date.) 
During  the  Civil  War,  however,  the  conferring  of  brevets  was 
so  overdone  by  political  and  other  influences  that  in  one  or  two 
instances  a  captain  in  a  noncombative  corps  acquired  the  rank 
of  major  general.  The  situation  was  so  absurd  and  confusing 
that  Congress  passed  a  law  declaring  that  under  no  circum¬ 
stances  should  a  brevet  be  exercised  for  rank  or  command. 
This  rendered  brevets  practically  worthless.  The  army  became 
dissatisfied  and  secured  another  method  of  rewarding  distin¬ 
guished  service,  medals  of  honor,  but  this,  also  overdone,  is 
becoming  unsatisfactory. 

As  time  passed  those  modestly  breveted  outgrew  all  their 
brevets,  while  those  immodestly  breveted  were  generally  of 
the  noncombative  corps  stationed  about  Washington.  In  1892, 
a  bill  was  introduced  in  Congress  to  allow  the  restoration  of 
the  brevet  “uniform”  and  “address.” 

I  wrote  the  following  protest: 


206 


THIRD  PERIOD 


Headquarters,  4th  Cavalry, 
Fort  Walla  Walla,  Washington, 

April  12,  1892. 


To  the  Adjutant  General, 


U.  S.  Army, 


Washington,  D.  C. 

Sir:  In  the  matter  of  Senate  Bill  No.  2699,  for  the 
restoration  of  brevet  “uniform”  and  “address,”  I  beg  to 
make  the  following  suggestions,  and  request  that  they  be 
referred  to  the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs  in  the  United 
States  Senate,  for  such  consideration  as  in  its  judgment 
they  may  seem  to  merit. 

That  all  officers  holding  brevet  commissions,  whether 
above  or  below  their  present  grade,  may  wear  the  insignia 
of  their  highest  brevet  rank  on  each  side  of  the  coat  collar. 
Those  conferred  for  gallantry  in  specific  actions,  on  a  red 
ground  and  those  for  faithful  or  meritorious  service,  not 
in  action,  on  a  white  ground. 

The  reasons  that  impel  me  to  this  action  are  as  follows: 

It  is  well  known  that  about  the  close  of  the  war,  brevets 
in  many  cases,  by  reason  perhaps  of  propinquity  to  power, 
were  given  in  such  extravagant  profusion  as  to  destroy  in 
a  great  degree  their  value  to  those  of  the  deserving,  and  it 
goes  without  saying  that  as  a  rule  a  greater  proportion 
of  these  highest  grades  by  the  promotions  of  time  have 
worn  out  by  covering  over  with  other  commissions  a 
greater  proportion  of  the  modestly  breveted. 

It  is  also  true  that  an  officer  holding  a  brevet  below  his 
present  grade,  and  conscious  of  equal  merit  with  his  com¬ 
rade  who  holds  one  above  his  present  rank,  will  take 
equal  pride  in  wearing  the  evidences  of  its  appreciation 
if  he  be  permitted  to  do  so,  especially  if  he  can  show  that 
it  was  won  in  battle. 

The  proposed  bill,  however,  as  I  understand  it,  will  not 


BREVET  COMMISSIONERS  IN  THE  ARMY 


207 


permit  him  to  do  either,  and  will,  I  fear,  rather  tend  to 
confuse  by  putting  on  the  shoulder  rank  without  com¬ 
mand,  with  no  easy  method  of  determining  the  actual 
rank  or  right  to  command. 

To  illustrate  the  effect  that  this  bill,  as  proposed,  would 
have  on  the  Army,  that  is,  on  the  officers  on  the  active  list, 
a  reference  to  the  last  Army  Register  will  show  a  total  of 
391  field  officers  in  the  entire  Army,  most  of  whom  hold 
brevets  below  their  present  grade,  and  would  be  ignored 
by  the  present  bill;  all  but  67  of  the  391  hold  brevet  rank 
above  their  present  grade,  distributed  in  corps  throughout 
the  Army,  as  follows: 


Adjutant  General’s  Department .  9 

Inspector  General’s  Department .  0 

Quartermaster's  Department .  10 

Subsistence  Department .  8 

Medical  Department .  7 

Pay  Department .  3 

Engineer  Department .  6 

10  Regiments  of  Cavalry .  8 

5  Regiments  of  Artillery .  7 

25  Regiments  of  Infantry .  9 

Total .  67 


It  will  be  observed  that  of  the  67  total,  the  Line  of  the 
Army  have  but  24,  while  the  Staff  have  43;  and  as  a  rule, 
even  in  the  Staff,  the  noncombatant  corps  lead  in  honors. 

Of  this  total  of  67  field  officers,  in  the  entire  active  Army, 
holding  brevets  above  their  actual  rank,  26  hold  the  brevet 
rank  of  General,  and  of  these  the  Line  of  the  Army  has 
but  six,  while  the  Staff  Corps  have  20,  and  of  these  20 
Generals  in  the  Staff  Corps  the  Adjutant  General’s  De- 


208 


THIRD  PERIOD 


partment  has  6,  the  Quartermaster’s  Department  has  5, 
and  the  Subsistence  Department  has  6. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be 

Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

Anson  Mills, 
Lieutenant  Colonel  ith  Cavalry, 

Commanding  Regiment. 

As  a  result,  Senator  Sherman,  chairman  of  the  military 
committee  of  the  Senate,  advised  me  he  had  induced  the 
Senate  to  withdraw  the  bill,  which  it  had  already  passed. 


209 


In  Washington  Again 

Asked  to  select  the  secretary  to  the  Boundary  Commission, 
on  recommendation  of  Adjutant  General  Ruggles,  I  picked 
Mr.  John  A.  Happer,  a  beardless  youth  of  twenty,  a  minor  clerk 
in  the  War  Department.  The  Secretary  doubled  his  pay  to 
comport  with  the  importance  of  the  position,  and  Mr.  Happer 
at  once  procured  what  he  considered  to  be  suitable  personal 
attire,  which  included  a  fashionable  cane  and  very  sharp-toed 
buff  shoes.  Walking  down  the  street  with  me,  he  remarked, 
“Colonel,  why  don’t  you  wear  a  cane?” 

I  replied,  “For  the  same  reason  that  you  wear  one.” 

“How  is  that?”  he  asked,  “I  don’t  understand.” 

“Well,”  I  replied,  “you  don’t  need  a  cane,  and  vanity  impels 
you  to  wear  one.  I  need  a  cane  and  vanity  impels  me  not  to 
wear  it.” 

Later,  on  our  first  visit  to  El  Paso,  at  La  Coste,  beyond  San 
Antonio,  he  saw  some  Mexicans  loading  cotton.  Calling  to 
me  from  the  car  door,  he  said,  “Colonel,  do  please  come  here. 
What  induces  those  men  to  wear  those  foolish  sharp-pointed 
hats?” 

“Well,”  I  replied,  “I  suppose  they  were  moved  by  the  same 
logic  that  induced  you  to  buy  sharp-pointed  shoes.” 

Soon  after,  the  inherent  good  sense  I  knew  him  to  possess 
when  I  selected  him,  led  him  to  abandon  both  cane  and  shoes, 
and  he  has  become  a  prominent  and  successful  citizen  of 
El  Paso. 

After  President  McKinley’s  election.  General  Miles  asked  me 
if  I  intended  to  apply  for  promotion.  I  replied  that  I  never 
applied  for  anything  unless  I  thought  I  had  more  than  an  even 
chance  of  getting  it,  but  that,  if  anyone  high  in  authority  would 
give  me  that  assurance,  I  would.  “I  believe  you  have  more 
than  an  even  chance,”  he  answered.  “There  is  but  one  colonel 
I  will  recommend  before  you,  and  that  is  Shatter.” 

I  made  the  application  the  next  morning.  Adjutant  General 


210 


THIRD  PERIOD 


Ruggles  made  a  detailed  statement  of  my  official  services 
which  I  took  to  my  friend,  General  Flagler,  telling  what  Gen-  | 
eral  Miles  had  said.  He  promised  me  his  help.  In  his  office 
I  met  my  classmate.  General  Merritt,  then  commanding  the 
Department  of  the  East  in  New  York,  who  stated,  “Mills,  there 
is  hut  one  thing  for  me  to  do.  When  I  return  to  my  office  I 
will  also  recommend  you.”  I  was  soon  promoted,  but,  accord¬ 
ing  to  the  resolution  of  Congress  appointing  me  Boundary 
Commissioner  with  the  pay  and  allowances  of  colonel  of  cav¬ 
alry,  I  had  no  additional  pay  for  the  nineteen  years  I  served 
on  that  duty,  holding  the  rank  of  brigadier  general  and  receiv¬ 
ing  only  colonel’s  pay. 

Nannie  and  I,  with  our  two  children,  stopped  at  the  Rich¬ 
mond  Hotel,  in  Washington,  while  we  looked  for  the  home  we 
intended  to  rent  or  purchase.  Senator  White,  late  Chief  Jus¬ 
tice,  also  lived  at  the  Richmond.  Standing  in  the  office  one 
day,  when  Nannie  entered  and  asked  the  clerk  for  her  key,  I 
saw  Senator  White  was  near  her.  She  turned  in  her  usual 
dignified  manner  to  enter  the  elevator.  Not  knowing  my  rela¬ 
tion  to  her,  Senator  White  asked  the  clerk,  “Who  is  that 
lady?”  When  he  replied,  “Mrs.  Mills,”  Senator  White  said, 
“She  is  the  most  beautiful  woman  I  ever  saw.” 

While  in  El  Paso  on  boundary  business  I  received  a  tele¬ 
gram  stating  that  Anson  was  seriously  ill  with  appendicitis 
and  was  being  operated  on.  I  took  the  first  train  for  Wash¬ 
ington  and  arrived  Sunday  morning,  but  too  late.  Anson  died 
during  the  night,  February  25,  1894.  He  had  been  taken  sud¬ 
denly  sick  the  Sunday  previous,  but,  not  knowing  as  much 
about  the  disease  as  they  do  now,  the  doctors  deferred  the  i 
operation  until  too  late.  It  was  the  great  sorrow  of  our  life,  1 
and  we  could  not  help  resenting  all  the  rest  of  our  lives  the  I 
sad  fate  of  one  so  young  and  promising. 

Carefully  preserved  among  his  mother’s  papers  is  a  letter 
from  our  son  to  me,  and  my  reply  to  him.  Shortly  before  she  i 
died,  Nannie  brought  these  to  my  attention,  saying  she  thought 
them  of  sufficient  worth  to  merit  publication,  considering  that  i 


211 


Nannie. 


212 


This  graphic  map  illustrates  how  con¬ 
stantly  Nannie  followed  me  after  mar¬ 
riage  throughout  my  military  service. 


213 


MAP 

SHOWING 

F)ST  AND  STATION  ASSIGNMENTS 

ANSON  MILLS,U.S.A. 

SCALE  OF  MILES 

■  .JO  O  300  600  900 


Rone,  at  post  or  station--  q 

A  ZOMPANIED, AT  POST  OR  STATION, BY  MRS.MILLSt  /» 

P>TS  OR  STATIONS  OCCUPIED  ON  SECOND  ASSIGNMENT-  -0RW 
N1BER  OF  STATIONS  OCCUPIED  DURING  25  YEARS  AFTER  MARRIAGE 
(l  8  TO  1893)  26;  DISTANCE  TRAVELED(CHANGE  OF  STATION  ONLY) 

C  RING  SAME  PERIOD,  25.008  MILES. 


214 


Little  Anson  at  Seventeen  Months.  Little  Anson  at  Twelve  \ears. 


IN  WASHINGTON  AGAIN 


215 


the  boy  was  but  fifteen  when  he  wrote,  but  three  weeks  before 
he  died.  I  append  the  two  letters  here: 

Hotel  Richmond, 
Washington,  D.  C., 
February  4,  1894. 

My  Dear  Father: 

I  received  your  letter  of  the  27th  with  the  letter  from  Walla 
Walla,  and  am  very  glad  to  hear  from  you.  I  hope  that  the 
boundary  work  will  not  take  as  long  as  the  Mexican  commis¬ 
sioner  thinks. 

The  newspaper  gave  a  list  of  the  West  Point  cadets  who 
failed  in  the  last  examination,  and  I  was  glad  to  see  that  Carl 
was  not  in  the  list.  I  guess  Carl  will  be  able  to  pull  through 
if  he  works  hard. 

I  am  getting  along  quite  well  in  school,  but  I  wish  that  the 
teacher  would  rush  a  little  as  I  think  that  we  are  not  progress¬ 
ing  as  rapidly  as  we  might.  I  got  excellent  in  the  carpenter 
shop  last  month  and  as  I  couldn’t  have  gotten  any  higher  than 
excellent  and  there  were  only  a  few  boys  who  received  marks 
that  high,  I  think  that  I  have  done  pretty  well.  I  am  on  good 
terms  with  the  carpenter  and  always  try  to  do  what  he  says 
and  he  helps  me  along  and  is  very  nice  to  me. 

The  weather  is  very  cloudy  and  rainy  today  and  I  hope 
that  it  will  clear  off  soon.  We  went  to  see  a  play  called  “The 
Senator”  last  Saturday  and  enjoyed  it  very  much.  I  saw 
Grover  and  Mrs.  Cleveland  in  one  of  the  boxes.  Last  night 
Mamma  went  to  a  reception  at  the  White  House  and  shook 
hands  with  Grover,  it  was  the  last  card  reception  of  the  sea¬ 
son  and  Mamma  says  that  there  was  a  very  large  crowd  there. 

This  afternoon  Mamma,  Tootsie  and  I  went  out  to  Tacoma 
to  see  the  Martins,  they  seem  to  think  that  Carl  is  all  right, 
and  I  think  Nellie  expects  to  make  a  visit  to  West  Point  in  the 
summer  when  Carl  will  be  a  3d  classman.  I  have  made  the 
acquaintance  of  two  boys  here  in  the  hotel,  but  one  of  them 


216 


THIRD  PERIOD 


went  away  yesterday  so  there  is  only  one  left.  We  generally 
play  cards  in  the  evening  and  have  a  good  deal  more  fur 
than  if  we  were  by  ourselves. 

The  other  day  I  went  to  the  dead  letter  office  and  saw  the 
clerks  sorting  out  the  dead  letters.  They  have  show  cases  ir 
which  they  put  all  the  extra  curious  things  that  pass  througf 
their  hands.  They  have  live  rattlesnakes  and  everything  you 
can  think  of. 

Mamma  called  on  Mrs.  Happer  a  few  days  ago  and  Mrs.  I 
Happer  said  that  there  has  only  been  one  meeting  of  the  cluh 
since  you  left  and  I  guess  that  is  why  they  have  not  taken  me 
there  yet.  Caldwell  wrote  me  a  letter  the  other  day  and  said 
that  you  stopped  to  see  him  when  you  passed  through  San 
Antonio.  Caldwell  seemed  greatly  pleased  with  his  new  • 
house  and  I  hope  that  he  will  get  along  all  right. 

Nearly  all  the  boys  around  here  want  to  go  in  the  Navy,  but 
I  am  going  to  stick  to  the  Army.  I  don’t  see  how  anybody 
could  prefer  the  Navy  to  the  Army,  hut  each  fellow  has  his 
choice  and  if  they  want  to  go  to  the  Navy  it  will  leave  that 
much  more  room  in  the  Army  for  me.  I  am  still  anxious  to 
go  on  that  big  game  hunting  trip  to  Maine  and  I  guess  this 
fall  I  will  have  to  go  on  a  good  hunt  if  nothing  turns  up  to 
mar  it. 

Uncle  Tom  has  made  me  a  new  belt  for  my  rifle  and  it  is  ; 
a  very  good  one.  As  it  is  time  for  me  to  go  to  bed  I  will  close.  ■< 
We  all  send  our  love  and  hope  that  you  will  be  back  soon. 

1  remain, 

Your  loving  son, 

Anson  C.  Mills. 

El  Paso,  Texas, 
February  11,  1894. 

My  Dear  Boy: 

I  have  just  received  your  long  letter  so  nicely  typewritten 
and  can  not  tell  you  in  words  how  interesting  it  is  to  me  to 
learn  so  many  things  of  you  and  from  you,  for  my  hopes  and 


IN  WASHINGTON  AGAIN 


217 


fears  are  now  more  centered  in  you  than  in  anyone  else  in  the 
world;  not  that  I  love  Mamma  and  Sister  less  or  that  they  are 
deserving  of  less  interest,  but  from  the  fact  that  (as  you  are 
now  old  enough  to  understand)  as  the  world  goes  more  is 
expected  of  boys  and  men,  so  that  if  I  were  to  die  suddenly 
the  future  of  both  Mamma  and  Sister  would  depend  much 
upon  you.  So  do  not  fail  in  every  way  possible  to  arm  your¬ 
self  for  this  responsibility  should  it  come. 

My  mother  died  when  I  was  about  your  age  and  left  me  the 
oldest  of  nine  children,  and  while  I  did  the  best  I  could  I  had 
much  care,  but  as  Father  lived  to  manage  the  business  I  did 
not  have  as  much  as  you  may  have  if  I  go. 

I  am  glad  you  are  getting  along  well  at  school  for  that  is 
more  important  to  you  than  all  else  just  now,  in  fact,  for  the 
next  five  years.  Don’t  be  impatient  for  the  teachers  to  go 
along  faster.  You  do  well  enough  if  you  keep  up  with  the 
course,  only  strive  to  he  thorough  and  understand  all  well 
that  you  go  over  so  that  if  you  go  to  West  Point, — as  I  intend 
you  shall  when  you  are  twenty,  if  you  then  still  desire  to, — 
that  you  may  not  be  rattled. 

I  am  glad  you  put  the  “C”  in  your  name  for  if  you  had  been 
fortunate  enough  to  have  seen  and  known  your  grandfather 
Cassel  for  whom  it  stands  you  would  never  fail  to  put  it  in. 
He  was  one  of  the  best  looking  and  most  graceful  men  I  ever 
saw,  as  straight  as  an  arrow,  with  quick  gait  and  quick  speech, 
but  few  words,  and  liked  by  everybody  and  so  correct  in  busi¬ 
ness  that  the  cashiers  in  the  hanks  would  doubt  themselves 
before  doubting  him.  According  to  the  laws  of  heredity  you 
should  inherit  some  of  these  qualities  and  I  have  thought 
sometimes  I  have  already  seen  them  in  you,  though  it  is  hard 
to  see  the  man  in  the  hoy,  lest  I  had  known  him  as  a  hoy, 
which,  of  course,  I  did  not. 

Of  course,  you  are  as  likely  to  inherit  the  traits  of  my  father 
whom  also  you  were  unfortunate  not  to  know  at  an  age  when 
you  would  appreciate,  hut  he  also  had  none  that  you  need 


218 


THIRD  PERIOD 


fear  the  development  of  in  yourself,  nor  had  either  of  youi  1 
grandmothers. 

I  want  you  to  read  carefully  the  enclosed  clipping  on  “Indi  ! 
viduality,”  and  mark  the  words  underscored,  for  I  think  yoi 
can  now  understand  the  thoughts  and  ideas  of  our  bright  I 
namesake.  I  think  it  is  true,  as  he  says,  that  heredity  count! 
a  great  deal,  perhaps  not  as  much  as  surroundings  and  teach¬ 
ings,  and  I  think,  too,  that  he  might  have  added  that  all  three, 
heredity,  surroundings,  and  teachings  come  mostly  from  the 
mother  and  there  is  where  your  great  good  fortune  lies,  il 
you  improve  it  as  you  should  and  I  think  you  will. 

I  want  you  to  mark  well  what  he  says  about  individuality. 
Don’t  be  restrained  from  doing  things  that  seem  sensible  just 
because  a  lot  of  machine  made  boys  say  it  is  not  the  thing, 
nor  do  things  not  sensible  because  they  say  so.  I  have  often 
regretted  that  I  did  not  let  you  sit  up  all  night  at  Fort  Grant 
for  fear  it  may  in  all  your  after  life  repress  your  individuality 
in  thoughts  and  actions,  for  almost  everything  that  man  does 
or  refrains  from  doing  is  from  an  instinct  or  teaching,  like  the 
parent  talks,  and  not  from  brave  independent  and  noble  im¬ 
pulse  of  thought  and  reason  like  Paul  Revere  or  Franklin, 
Cushing,  Jefferson,  Lincoln,  Jackson,  and  Edison,  who  did 
new  things  useful  to  man. 

I  hear  that  Judge  Maxey  went  hunting  at  Brownsville  the 
other  day  and  that  the  party  killed  three  deer.  We  will  look  i 
out  for  them  when  we  get  down  there  and  tell  you  how  it  is. 

Kiss  both  Mamma  and  Sister  for  me  and  tell  them  I  will 
write  to  them  both  soon,  though  it  is  a  great  labor  now  that  I 
am  without  my  typewriter. 

Your  affectionate  father, 

Anson  Mills. 

The  day  before  Anson’s  death,  Nannie  asked  him  what  he 
wished  she  should  say  to  me  from  him  when  I  arrived,  when 
he  replied : 


IN  WASHINGTON  AGAIN 


219 


“Tell  him  I  can’t  show  how  much  I  like  him.  I’m  not  strong 
enough.  It  will  look  as  if  1  didn’t  like  him.  Tell  him  I  love 
him  very  much.”  Of  which  she  made  a  memorandum  which 
I  still  have. 

After  eight  months  we  purchased  No.  2  Dupont  Circle,  on 
the  most  beautiful  park  and  in  the  best  social  surroundings 
of  the  city.  My  position  in  the  diplomatic  service  led  us  into 
the  best  society  in  Washington;  we  were  invited  everywhere 
we  wanted  to  go,  and  were  able  to  entertain  all  those  who 

1  invited  us,  so  that  Nannie  was  able  to  exercise  her  abundant 
ability  in  making  friends.  We  had  at  our  house  during  the 
next  twenty  years  several  hundred  interesting  people  of  the 
army,  navy,  marine  corps,  senators  and  members  of  the  dif¬ 
ferent  embassies,  who  were  our  guests. 

One  of  Washington’s  greatest  attractions  was  the  opportu¬ 
nity  it  gave  of  renewing  old  friendships.  We  were  always 
glad  to  welcome  such  guests  as  Gen.  and  Mrs.  Freeman,  Col. 
and  Mrs.  Corbusier,  Col.  and  Mrs.  Shunk,  Miss  Florence  Cassel, 
and  many  others,  old  and  new  friends. 

Early  in  1894  Nannie  joined  the  Washington  Club,  which 
she  greatly  enjoyed  and  of  which  she  was  a  governor  at  the 
time  of  her  death.  She  was  also  on  the  hoard  of  managers  of 

(several  hospitals,  and  belonged  to  many  charitable  societies. 
Washington  was  our  permanent  residence  for  the  next 
twenty-three  years,  although  Nannie  and  I,  with  Constance 
and  our  relatives,  spent  some  time  in  Chihuahua,  Santa  Rosa¬ 
lia,  Monterey,  Zacatecas,  Aguas  Calientes,  Guanajuato,  Guada¬ 
lajara,  Mexico  City,  Jalapa,  Puebla,  Orizaba,  and  Queretaro, 
all  in  Mexico.  (See  graphic  map  U.  S.  and  Mex.,  page  212.) 

It  was  my  professional  duty  to  go  to  some  of  these  places 
two  or  three  times,  the  better  to  qualify  myself  by  learning 
from  the  Mexicans  views  relating  to  the  important  boundary 
question.  After  she  had  heard  of  the  simple  character  of  the 
people  and  the  interesting  antiquities  and  customs  of  the 
country,  Nannie  always  wanted  to  go  with  me. 

While  at  Aguas  Calientes,  bathing  in  the  hot  springs,  Nannie, 


f 


220 


Our  Washington  Residence. 
(Text,  219.) 


IN  WASHINGTON  AGAIN 


221 


knowing  the  embarrassments  of  military  courts  in  determin¬ 
ing  when  an  officer  was  drunk,  brought  me  a  copy  of  an  in¬ 
scription  she  had  found  on  the  wall  of  her  room,  probably  left 
there  by  one  seeking  recovery  from  delirium  tremens  and  at 
the  same  time  preparing  a  test  for  the  consideration  of  the 
members  of  the  next  court  before  which  he  might  be  brought. 


“Not  drunk  is  he  who  from  the  floor 
Can  rise  again  and  still  drink  more. 

But  drunk  is  he  who  helpless  lies 
Without  the  power  to  drink  or  rise.” 

Spending  most  of  our  time  in  Washington,  we  found  mem- 
I  hers  of  both  Houses  of  Congress  were  much  misunderstood 
by  the  people.  They  are  constant  hard  workers  with  small 
'  salaries  and  almost  universally  honorable,  honest  men,  and 
1  not,  as  many  people  believe,  as  they  do  of  the  army  and  navy, 
idle  and  uninterested  in  the  government’s  welfare.  Public 
sentiment  has  compelled  many  legislators  to  abandon  the  pro- 
Ifession  for  another  where  they  are  better  understood  and 
better  paid. 

Among  these  noble  men,  I  want  to  pay  a  tribute  to  a  few 
of  the  finest  statesmen  the  country  has  seen  since  the  War  of 
the  Rebellion;  men  who  trimmed  their  sails  to  no  passing 
breeze  but  stood  steadfastly  for  that  public  policy  which  would 
i  in  their  opinion  bear  best  fruits  for  the  great  republic  in  the 
future.  First  among  them,  I  put  President  Cleveland,  Senator 
Hoar  and  Senator  Root. 

Cleveland,  I  consider  the  Washington  of  his  time.  When 
special  classes  of  labor,  having  in  their  trust  the  railroads, 
the  principal  utilities  of  the  whole  people,  declared  their  pur- 
j  pose  to  strike  and  by  force  and  violence  make  their  class  the 
ruling  class,  the  President  issued  his  famous  executive  order 
that  “if  it  took  all  the  money  in  the  treasury  and  all  the  sol¬ 
diers  in  the  army  to  carry  a  postal  card  from  New  York  to 
San  Francisco,  the  card  would  be  delivered.” 

Unfortunately  this  glorious  example  had  no  power  in  later 


222 


President  Grover  Cleveland. 


223 


President  William  McKinley. 


Copyright,  Parker. 


224 


Copyright  by  Schervee. 


Senator  George  F.  Hoar. 


225 


226 


THIRD  PERIOD 


years,  when  self-styled  statesmen  with  greater  opportunity 
cowered  before  a  similar  threat  and  surrendered  the  liberty 
of  a  majority  of  the  people. 

Hoar  was  the  Franklin  of  his  period.  The  Spanish  War  sc 
inflated  our  military  reputation  “because  a  wretched  kern  w< 
slew”  as  to  cause  a  frenzy  for  “World  Power” — when  con 
quest,  exploitation  and  subjugation  of  other  lands  and  othei 
peoples  with  their  trade  and  commerce  after  the  manner  ol 
other  world  powers  was  proposed.  Hoar  valiantly  sought  tc 
prevent  this  fatal  mistake  by  requiring  that  “the  Constitutior 
should  follow  the  flag.”  He  was  defeated  by  but  one  vote 
(I  think)  in  the  Peace  Commission,  in  the  Senate,  and  in  the 
Supreme  Court.  There  is  nothing  more  pathetic  in  historj 
than  his  remark  when  called  upon  to  assist  in  an  appropria¬ 
tion  for  the  restoration  of  Plymouth  Rock,  “Plymouth  Rod 
was  washed  awajT  by  the  loss  of  these  votes.” 

Root,  the  Hamilton  of  his  occasion,  when  chairman  of  the 
recent  constitutional  convention  of  his  great  State,  sought  tc 
reform  its  criminal  and  civil  jurisprudence,  so  that  its  courts 
should  be  instruments  for  the  detection  and  punishment  ol 
crimes  and  disorders  rather  than  for  technical  avoidance  ol 
that  righteous  end. 

Though  these  three  great  statesmen  failed  of  complete  suc¬ 
cess,  their  noble  and  self-sacrificing  example  must  surely  in¬ 
spire  others.  Meanwhile,  “in  the  sunset  of  life  which  gave  i 
mystical  lore,”  they  have  said  figuratively  to  the  Americar 
people  as  did  Roman  gladiators  in  another  arena,  “Caesar,  wc 
who  are  about  to  die  salute  you.” 

Many  high  school  graduates  have  no  better  conception  ol 
the  meaning  of  Jefferson’s  “Declaration  of  Independence”  anc 
the  “Constitution”  of  Washington  and  Franklin  than  of  the! 
book  of  Mormon.  They  do  not  realize  what  our  liberties  cost 
and  how  easy  it  is  to  lose  or,  once  lost,  how  difficult  it  is  tc 
recover  them. 

On  March  5,  1810,  Mr.  Jefferson  wrote  to  his  friend  Governoi 
Langdon  of  Virginia: 


IN  WASHINGTON  AGAIN 


227 


“While  in  Europe,  I  often  amused  myself  with  contemplating 
the  characters  of  the  then  reigning  sovereigns  of  Europe.  Louis 
the  XVI  was  a  fool,  of  my  own  knowledge,  and  despite  of  the 
answers  made  for  him  at  his  trial.  The  King  of  Spain  was  a 
fool;  and  of  Naples,  the  same.  They  passed  their  lives  in  hunt¬ 
ing,  and  dispatched  two  couriers  a  week  one  thousand  miles 
to  let  each  know  what  game  they  had  killed  the  preceding  days. 
The  King  of  Sardinia  was  a  fool.  All  these  were  Bourbons.  The 
Queen  of  Portugal,  a  Braganza,  was  an  idiot  by  nature;  and  so 
was  the  King  of  Denmark.  Their  sons,  as  regents,  exercised  the 
powers  of  government.  The  King  of  Prussia,  successor  to  Fred¬ 
erick  the  Great,  was  a  mere  hog  in  body  as  well  as  in  mind. 
Gustavus  of  Sweden,  and  Joseph  of  Austria,  were  really  crazy; 
and  George  of  England,  you  know,  was  in  a  straight-waistcoat. 
There  remained,  then,  none  but  old  Catherine,  who  had  been  too 
lately  picked  up  to  have  lost  her  common  sense.  In  this  state 
Bonaparte  found  Europe;  and  it  was  this  state  of  its  rulers 
which  lost  it  with  scarce  a  struggle.  These  animals  had  become 
without  mind  and  powerless;  and  so  will  every  hereditary  mon¬ 
arch  be  after  a  few  generations.  Alexander,  the  grandson  of 
Catherine,  is  as  yet  an  exception.  He  is  able  to  hold  his  own. 
But  he  is  only  of  the  third  generation.  His  race  is  not  yet  worn 
out.  And  so  endeth  the  book  of  Kings,  from  all  of  whom  the 
Lord  deliver  us,  and  have  you,  my  friend,  and  all  such  good  men 
and  true,  in  his  holy  keeping.” 

The  Kaiser  found  Europe  in  a  similar  condition  in  1914. 
England,  Germany,  Austria,  Russia,  and  Italy  had  emperors 
by  divine  right,  with  royal  families,  lords  and  nobles,  most  of 
whom  were  either  moral  or  physical  and  mental  degenerates. 
The  later  George  is  so  imbecile  as  not  to  require  a  straight- 
jacket,  as  did  his  predecessor,  and  the  Kaiser,  a  moral  degen¬ 
erate,  sought  only  to  play  the  role  of  Napoleon.  When  all 
Europe  seemed  in  a  peaceful  and  prosperous  condition,  he,  by 
his  foolish  cablegrams,  sought  to  distract  George’s  and  Nich¬ 
olas’  attention  from  his  planning,  while  the  secretive  diplomats 
of  England,  France,  and  Russia  on  one  side,  and  Germany, 


228 


THIRD  PERIOD 


Austria  and  Italy  on  the  other,  blindfolded  their  people  b 
many  vari-colored  state  papers,  and  backed  them  over  nigh 
into  war,  of  which  they  knew  nothing  until  armies  wer 
moving.  Had  proper  publicity  been  given  by  any  interestei 
nation,  war  would  not  have  ensued. 

Our  government,  too,  was  somewhat  responsible,  in  that  w 
placed  before  our  war  college  a  statue  of  that  greatest  c 
moral  degenerate  rulers  (not  excepting  Nero)  miscalle 
“Frederick  the  Great,”  thus  giving  his  successor,  the  Kaisei 
to  understand  we  approved  his  militarism.  Strange  that  ou 
people  permit  this  statue  to  remain. 

What  the  war  is  about  the  world's  people  have  no  intelli 
gent  conception.  Yet  unless  the  American  people  educat 
themselves  to  an  intelligent  understanding  of  the  hazard  o 
their  liberties,  we  may  become  too  entangled  to  extricat 
ourselves. 

Every  American  should  ponder  these  things  and  ask  whethe 
our  citizenship  has  not  become  so  diluted  as  to  endanger  th 
perpetuity  of  the  great  republic,  and  whether  it  is  not  no’s  i 
necessary  to  return  to  the  high  schools  and  colleges  the  care 
ful  study  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  and  the  Consti  > 
tution.  Another  great  law-giver  of  three  generations  pas 
Dr.  Lyman  Beecher,  evidently  had  in  his  sunset  of  life  “mys  i 
tical  lore”  to  see  these  present  shadows.  I  submit  his  word 
here  for  the  people  who  may  read  this  to  ponder,  and  fo 
study  in  the  schools. 

“We  must  educate!  We  must  educate!  Or  we  must  perisi 
by  our  own  prosperity.  If  we  d©  not,  short  will  be  our  rac 
from  the  cradle  to  the  grave.  If  in  our  haste  to  be  rich  an 
mighty,  we  outrun  our  literary  and  religious  institutions,  the 
will  never  overtake  us;  or  only  come  up  after  the  battle  o 
liberty  is  fought  and  lost  as  spoils  to  grace  the  victory  anc 
as  resources  of  inexorable  despotism  for  the  perpetuity  of  ou 
bondage. 

“We  did  not,  in  the  darkest  hour,  believe  that  God  had  brough 
our  fathers  to  this  goodly  land  to  lay  the  foundation  of  religiou 
liberty,  and  wrought  such  wonders  in  their  preservation,  an 


IN  WASHINGTON  AGAIN 


229 


aised  their  descendants  to  such  heights  of  civil  and  religious 
iberty,  only  to  reverse  the  analogy  of  His  providence,  and 
bandon  His  work. 

“No  punishments  of  Heaven  are  so  severe  as  those  for  mer= 
ies  abused;  and  no  instrumentality  employed  in  their  inflic= 
ion  is  so  dreadful  as  the  wrath  of  man.  No  spasms  are  like  the 
pasms  of  expiring  liberty,  and  no  wailing  such  as  her  convuN 
ions  extort. 

“It  took  Rome  three  hundred  years  to  die;  and  our  death,  if 
re  perish,  will  be  as  much  more  terrific  as  our  intelligence 
ind  free  institutions  have  given  us  more  bone,  sinew,  and 
itality.  May  God  hide  from  me  the  day  when  the  dying 
gonies  of  my  country  shall  begin!  O  thou  beloved  land,  bound 
ogether  by  the  ties  of  brotherhood,  and  common  interest,  and 
»eri Is,  live  forever — one  and  undivided.” 

There  were  others  following  close  on  to  the  great  men  I 
nention;  some  I  know  more  or  less  intimately,  such  as  Wil¬ 
iam  McKinley,  Charles  W.  Fairbanks,  and  Joseph  Cannon  and 
ihamp  Clark,  in  the  legislature;  in  the  army.  Generals  Sher- 
nan,  Sheridan  and  Miles  stand  out,  and  in  the  navy.  Admirals 
)ewey  and  Schley — all  of  them  American  patriots  of  the  very 
lighest  order. 

Many  amusing  incidents  in  our  social  life  come  back  to  me 
is  I  write.  At  a  dinner  given  by  Mr.  Romero,  the  Mexican 
Ambassador,  Mr.  Cannon  escorted  Mrs.  Mills  to  the  table.  I 
leard  her  say  of  some  peculiar  Mexican  dishes,  “Mr.  Cannon, 
vhere  do  you  suppose  these  come  in?”  He  replied  in  his 
[uaint  and  curious  way,  “Mrs.  Mills,  I  spent  my  first  twelve 
Vears  in  Washington  trying  to  find  out  how  they  did  things, 
ind  now  I  don’t  care  a  dom  how  they  do  ’em.” 

At  a  stag  dinner  of  some  eighteen  guests  at  my  house, 
Minister  Wu  Ting  Fang  sat  at  my  right,  and  opposite  sat 
lieutenant  General  Young.  General  Young  proposed  the 
lealth  of  his  host.  All  sat  down  save  the  Chinese  Minister, 
vho,  after  a  pause,  exclaimed,  “Gentlemen,  I  think  General 
foung  has  forgotten  something.”  Young,  not  well  acquainted 
vith  him,  looked  astounded.  After  a  pause,  the  Minister  went 


230 


b  ifrv 1> 


231 


^  } /L-CX^L* 

' ''w'-  t 


233 


Admiral  Winfield  Scott  Schley. 


234 


THIRD  PERIOD 


on,  “I  ci m  a  Chinaman,  but  I  spent  four  years  in  London,  tw  | 
in  Madrid,  and  I  have  been  here  now  in  America  a  short  time 
I  know  something  about  civilization,  and  know  that  no  ma 
ever  got  up  this  dinner.  I  propose  the  health  of  the  hostess. 
The  wit  and  humor  of  the  Chinaman  were  loudly  acclaimec 
He  became  well  acquainted  with  Nannie,  visiting  her  fre 
quently,  and  entertained  her  with  interesting  stories  of  hi 
experiences  at  home  and  abroad.  In  turn,  she  was  able  t 
interest  him  in  our  large  experience  in  the  vicissitudes  of  th 
army  and  travel  generally. 

As  evidence  of  Nannie’s  superior  capabilities  in  adminis 
tering  household  affairs  it  should  be  mentioned  that  she  kef 
two  servants,  Menger  Caldwell  and  Sally  Caldwell,  his  wifi 
for  eleven  years,  from  1882  to  1893,  and  at  Washington,  Dor 
Miller  Kelly,  fourteen  years,  from  1896  to  her  death  in  191( 
and  her  brother,  Martin  V.  B.  Miller,  seventeen  years,  fror 
1900  to  date.  (Cut,  237.) 

All  these  servants  were  so  capable  and  satisfactory  tha 
their  long  service  seems  to  warrant  the  appearance  of  thei 
pictures  in  this  narrative. 

Our  daughter.  Constance,  attended  the  excellent  schools  i 
Washington,  grew  up,  and  soon  entered  society,  when  ou 
house  was  visited  by  a  host  of  young  people  of  both  sexe;  j 
After  enjoying  this  interesting  period,  she  became  engaged  t  > 
a  young  officer  of  artillery,  Winfield  Scott  Overton,  and  tw 
years  later,  they  were  married  at  our  home,  on  the  30th  da 
of  April,  1903. 

Captain  Overton  graduated  from  West  Point  just  before  th  I 
Spanish  War.  He  served  in  the  Philippines  and  was  seriousl  | 
wounded  at  the  battle  of  La  Loma,  March  25,  1899.  He  raj 
mained  in  the  hospital  in  the  Philippines  for  some  time,  an  i 
has  been  operated  upon  several  times  since,  but  never  full 
recovered,  and  in  June,  1908,  he  was  compelled  to  retire  fror 
the  service.  They  have  three  beautiful  children,  Hanna 
Elton,  six;  Constance  Elizabeth,  four,  and  Mabel  Helen,  thre 
years  old.  (Cut,  236.) 


235 


Our  Grandchildren,  Hannah  Elton,  Constance  Elizabeth  And 
Mabel  Helen5  Overton  in  1916. 


237 


Menger  Caldwell. 


Sally  Caldwell. 


Martin  V.  B.  Miller. 


Dora  Miller  Kelly. 


IN  WASHINGTON  AGAIN 


239 


In  1908  Nannie  and  I  visited  my  birthplace,  Thorntown, 
Indiana,  a  beautiful  but  sleepy  town  of  about  two  thousand 
inhabitants.  An  epidemic  of  typhoid  fever  was  raging,  caused 
by  poor  drainage  and  a  layer  of  impervious  clay  about  twenty 
feet  below  the  surface,  which  caused  contamination  of  the 
wells. 

A  prominent  minister  requested  me  to  donate  a  library  to 
my  native  town.  Thinking  more  good  could  be  done  by  build¬ 
ing  a  pure  water  system,  I  said  that  if  the  town  would  main¬ 
tain  a  fountain  monument  to  the  memory  of  my  father  and 
mother,  I  would  build  a  water  and  sewer  system. 

A  town  meeting  accepted  my  proposition.  I  employed  Mr. 
Charles  Brossman,  a  civil  engineer,  to  draw  plans  and  super¬ 
intend  the  building  of  an  excellent  water  system,  which 
pumped  pure  water  from  far  below  the  impervious  clay, 
carrying  it  to  an  elevated  tank  sufficient  to  supply  the  whole 
city  with  water;  also  the  main  sewers  of  a  system  to  carry  off 
the  impure  drainage;  and  to  erect  a  fountain  in  memory  of 
my  parents. 

When  the  work  was  completed,  the  town  gave  a  celebration 
in  my  honor,  which  I  attended,  together  with  my  family  and 
many  of  our  relatives  on  both  sides.  About  ten  thousand 
people  were  present.  I  made  a  few  remarks,  presenting  the 
works  to  the  city,  and  my  daughter,  Constance,  unveiled  the 
fountain.  Many  speeches  were  made,  the  principal  one  by 
Mr.  A.  Morrison,  representing  that  district  in  Congress. 

The  water-works  and  sewer  system  have  proved  a  great 
convenience,  and  added  to  the  health  of  the  city.  So  far  the 
city  has  kept  its  faith  in  maintaining  the  fountain  beautiful, 
clean,  flowing,  and  in  neat  repair. 

In  Washington  we  invested  a  large  sum  in  U.  S.  two-per-cent 
bonds,  the  proceeds  of  the  woven  equipment  business.  The 
peculiar  laws  relating  to  the  reserve  of  national  banks  forcing 
these  bonds  to  a  six  per  cent  premium,  we  disposed  of  them 
at  a  profit.  With  this  money  we  bought  property  at  Penn- 


240 


IN  WASHINGTON  AGAIN 


241 


sylvania  Avenue  and  Seventeenth  Street  and  erected  the  lirst 
steel-frame  perfectly  fireproof  building  in  Washington. 

After  retirement,  while  I  was  conducting  the  cartridge  belt 
factory  at  Worcester,  Nannie  spent  much  of  her  time  in 
Gloucester,  Mass.  In  1910  she  bought  property  on  a  rocky 
ledge  eighty-four  feet  above  and  a  half  a  mile  from  the  sea 
and  built  a  fireproof  residence.  In  writing  her  sister  Katie, 
she  said,  “We  have  called  our  place  ‘Bayberry  Ledge,’  a  very 
suitable  name,  for  it  is  on  a  ledge  of  rocks  and  has  lots  of 
bayberry  bushes  on  it.  Anson  has  deeded  it  to  me,  and  it  is 
the  dearest  spot  1  know  in  the  world.”  For  seven  years,  until 
her  death,  Nannie  spent  most  of  her  summers  here  cultivating 
flowers  and  enjoying  the  freedom  of  the  country  life,  where, 
too,  she  entertained  many  of  her  relatives  and  old  army 
friends  during  the  hot  seasons,  among  them  General  John  M. 
Wilson,  my  classmate,  Miss  Waller,  General  and  Mrs.  Geo.  M. 
Sternberg,  General  Wm.  H.  Bisbee,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Keblinger, 
Mr.  and  Mrs.  Batchelder,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Follett,  and  our  favorite 
nephew,  Captain  Carl  A.  Martin,  and  our  favorite  niece.  Miss 
Kathleen  Kline. 

By  1912  the  only  piece  of  property  I  had  remaining  in  El 
Paso  became  so  valuable  that  I  tore  down  the  two-story  build¬ 
ing  then  on  it,  and  built  a  monolithic  cement  building  twelve 
stories  high,  containing  no  steel  beams,  the  concrete  being 
held  in  place  by  steel  rods  interspersed  through  the  walls, 
columns,  floors  and  roof.  There  is  no  wooden  floor  in  the 
entire  building  from  basement  to  turret,  even  the  wash-boards 
in  the  rooms  are  made  of  cement  and  on  all  sides  not  exposed 
to  parks  the  windows  are  fireproof.  This  was  said  to  be  the 
first  building  of  the  kind  erected  in  the  United  States,  and,  so 
far  as  I  know,  it  is  still  the  only  one  of  that  magnitude. 


242 


uimniiiiiiiiiimi/ 


243 


5Ssj&»5»j& 

is**  f 

».  \kJ%Kfc JtmWJ!- 

Mills  Building,  El  Paso. 


244 


Nannie’s  Residence,  Bayberry  Ledge. 


Brigadier  General  John  M.  Wilson  (Classmate). 

(Text,  241.) 


246 


(7^^-  ^  „ 

>-J  ^  ?Ttw6^/ 


(Text,  229.) 


24? 


Consolidation  of  the  El  Paso  and  Juarez  Street  Railways 

When  the  Santa  Fe,  Mexican  Central,  Texas  &  Pacific,  and 
Sunset  Routes  were  completed  to  El  Paso,  about  1880,  the  five 
thousand  people  of  El  Paso,  and  eight  thousand  of  Juarez, 
organized  four  street  railways,  two  in  El  Paso  (one  on  El 
Paso  Street  and  one  on  Santa  Fe  Street),  connecting  with  the 
two  similar  Mexican  roads  on  the  Juarez  side  at  the  middle 
of  the  Stanton  and  Juarez  Street  bridges.  Stock  in  these  roads 
was  subscribed  in  the  East,  but  each  road  had  a  president, 
four  directors  and  other  officers,  all  of  whom,  to  he  popular 
with  the  public,  made  deadheads  of  the  officials  of  the  two 
cities,  policemen,  collectors  of  customs,  revenue  officers,  and 
so  forth.  There  was,  therefore,  great  maintenance  expense 
and  little  revenue  for  the  stockholders,  and  the  equipment 
soon  degenerated  into  a  most  impoverished  condition.  When 
it  became  necessary  to  assess  stockholders  or  go  into  bank¬ 
ruptcy,  Senator  Rate,  from  Tennessee,  a  personal  friend,  com¬ 
plained  to  me  that  he  and  his  wife  had  twenty-five  thousand 
dollars  in  stock  of  the  El  Paso  street  road.  He  was  unable  to 
pay  his  assessments  and,  as  El  Paso  was  said  to  be  my  town, 
he  thought  I  ought  to  do  something  to  relieve  him.  We  went 
to  El  Paso  and  he  had  some  stormy  interviews  with  the  man¬ 
agers  of  his  road.  Suggesting  the  possibility  of  a  consolida¬ 
tion  of  the  four  roads,  I  told  him  that  as  I  had  the  confidence 
of  the  Mexicans  as  well  as  the  Americans  of  the  two  cities,  if 
he  was  willing  to  come  with  me,  we  might  encourage  the  stock¬ 
holders  in  New  York  to  give  proxies  for  a  majority  of  the 
stock. 

We  saw  the  principal  stockholders  in  New  York,  one  of 
them  a  cousin  of  J.  P.  Morgan,  obtained  proxies  for  a  majority 
of  the  stock  and  power  of  attorney  to  represent  the  stock¬ 
holders  in  the  consolidation  of  the  four  roads. 

The  El  Paso  street  road  was  advertised  for  sale  under  fore¬ 
closure.  Authorized  by  its  stockholders  to  purchase,  I  did  so. 


248 


THIRD  PERIOD 


and  then  obtained  from  the  Mexican  stockholders  and  others 
in  El  Paso  proxies  for  a  majority  of  the  stock  in  the  other 
roads.  Calling  a  meeting  of  each  of  the  four  roads,  I  proposed 
a  consolidation  into  one  company,  making  the  circuit  through 
both  cities,  to  be  styled  the  El  Paso  and  Juarez  Traction  Com¬ 
pany,  with  chapters  from  the  States  of  Texas  and  Chihuahua. 
Governor  Ahumanda  of  Chihuahua  and  the  Governor  of  Texas 
both  granted  the  charters.  The  four  companies  made  a  state¬ 
ment  of  their  financial  condition  and  expressed  willingness  to 
merge  in  the  new  international  company.  It  had  a  capital  of 
two  hundred  thousand  dollars,  distributed  to  each  company  in 
proportion  to  their  annual  gains  for  the  past  five  years.  The 
directors  of  the  four  companies  elected  officers  for  the  new 
company.  Messrs.  Z.  T.  White,  Jos.  Magoffin,  John  A.  Happer, 
Max  Weber  and  I  were  elected  directors,  and  by  them  I  was 
elected  president.  There  was  some  disagreement  as  to  the 
stock  to  be  allotted  the  Santa  Fe  Street  Company,  and  the 
officers  to  be  elected,  so  Messrs.  White,  Maxon  and  Gordon 
declined  to  enter  the  consolidation.  It  was  agreed  to  run  the 
roads  jointly,  but  the  Santa  Fe  company  kept  its  own  organi¬ 
zation.  The  four  companies  were  run  under  our  management 
as  one  road,  all  deadheads  were  cancelled  and  the  company 
soon  prospered. 

At  this  time  Stone  and  Webster  of  Boston  offered  to  buy  the 
company  at  its  stock  valuation,  two  hundred  thousand  dollars, 
and,  after  some  delay  in  correspondence,  the  sale  was  accom¬ 
plished.  The  new  company  at  once  put  in  an  electric  system 
and  it  has  since  grown  to  be  one  of  the  best  car  companies  in 
the  United  States,  well  managed,  with  two  million  dollars 
capital,  and  some  sixty  miles  of  road. 

It  can  be  justly  claimed,  I  think,  that  this  was  a  most 
material  development  for  the  cities  of  El  Paso  and  Juarez. 
Too  much  credit  can  not  be  given  those  who  joined  me  in  the 
project,  Messrs.  Magoffin.  Happer,  Weber,  and  others.  Printed 
proceedings  of  this  consolidation  may  be  found  in  the  El  Paso 
Library. 


249 


The  Reformation  of  El  Paso 

The  American  War  of  the  Rebellion  and  the  Mexican 
Maximilian  War  left  El  Paso  and  Juarez  almost  destroyed. 
Neither  recovered  until  the  advent  of  the  several  railroads  in 
1881,  when  thousands  of  men,  good,  bad  and  indifferent,  were 
attracted  by  the  easier  access  by  rail.  Many  had  good  inten¬ 
tions,  but  many  were  of  that  noisy,  lawless  character  that 
usually  drifts  to  cities  under  such  conditions.  Gambling, 
especially  among  the  Mexicans,  was  soon  a  leading  amusement 
on  both  sides  of  the  river,  and  the  saloon  and  red  light  districts 
for  many  years  gave  the  two  cities  the  just  reputation  of  being 
among  the  most  disorderly  and  lawless  in  the  country. 

No  mayor  could  be  elected  unless  he  harmonized  with  and 
fostered  all  three  of  the  above  mentioned  elements — some 
mayors  lived  in  the  red  light  district.  Notwithstanding  that 
righteous  and  well  intending  people  were  in  a  majority,  the 
bravest  of  them  were  unable  for  many  years  to  work  any 
reformation,  business  and  professional  men  being  ostracised 
when  demanding  reform.  Many  cruel  murders  were  com¬ 
mitted,  but  it  was  impossible  under  the  dominance  of  the  three 
had  elements  to  procure  convictions. 

An  experience  of  mine  with  an  El  Paso  jury  about  eight 
years  prior  to  the  reformation  will  illustrate  the  task  these 
reformers  had. 

While  defending  a  suit  for  some  $11,000  for  hens  on  build¬ 
ings,  I  received  two  anonymous  notes  asking  me  to  bribe  the 
jury.  I  handed  them  to  the  judge  that  he  might  make  an 
example  of  the  case.  While  he  and  the  lawyers  in  the  case 
were  in  consultation  in  chambers,  a  message  was  sent  that  a 
man  wished  to  see  me  at  a  certain  place.  Suspecting  the 
author  of  the  notes,  I  suggested  that  if  the  Judge  and  attorneys 
approved  I  would  try  to  entrap  him.  All  consented,  remain¬ 
ing  in  chambers  until  I  returned.  Compton,  the  “end  man” 
of  the  jury,  was  the  man  who  sent  for  me,  and  suggested  that 
I  pay  him  $3,000  for  a  favorable  judgment,  stating  he  had 


250 


Horace  B.  Stevens. 


John  A.  Happer. 


W.  Wilbur  Keblinger. 


Frank  R.  Batchelder. 


THE  REFORM ATION  OF  EL  PASO 


251 


canvassed  the  jury  and  a  majority  had  agreed.  I  replied  that 
as  a  business  man  I  could  not  part  with  so  large  a  sum  on  the 
guarantee  of  one  man.  I  asked  to  see  them  all  privately,  two 
at  a  time,  after  9  p.m.,  at  my  room  at  the  Sheldon  Hotel. 
Compton  agreed. 

I  told  the  Judge  this,  and  placed  myself  at  his  disposal. 

Calling  in  Sheriff  Ten  Eyck  and  Court  Reporter  McKel- 
ligon,  he  told  them  to  report  at  my  room  at  8.45,  and  follow 
my  instructions. 

I  secreted  them  behind  a  folding  bed  in  a  corner.  When 
Compton  came,  he  started  to  search  the  room.  But  I  told  him 
if  he  wanted  to  do  business  with  me  to  sit  down  and  do  it, 
asking  peremptorily  where  the  second  man  was.  He  was 
down  stairs,  and  when  Compton  brought  him  up  I  asked  them 
to  state  plainly  what  they  could  do.  Hunt,  the  other  man 
(reputed  to  be  a  brother  of  Sarah  Althea  Hill,  who  married 
Judge  Terry)  (Text,  334),  handed  me  a  paper  with  the  names 
of  all  the  jurors  with  the  sums  a  majority  had  agreed  to 
receive,  some  as  low  as  $50.  I  placed  the  paper  in  my  pocket 
and  after  a  little  further  talk  to  make  sure  they  had  been 
well  heard,  told  Compton  to  bring  up  the  next  man.  But  he 
never  returned. 

This  was  Saturday,  and  all  concerned  were  pledged  to 
secrecy,  but  when  Judge  Willcox  called  court  to  order  on 
Monday  morning,  there  was  not  standing  room  to  he  had! 
The  Judge  said : 

“Gentlemen  of  the  Jury:  Since  last  session  the  defendant  in 
this  case  has  handed  me  certain  letters  which  I  desire  to  read 
to  you.  The  first  appears  to  have  been  filed  in  the  post  office, 
El  Paso,  on  the  20th  day  of  June  of  the  present  year,  and  is  as 
follows:  ‘Mr.  Mills,  if  you  want  to  win  your  case  you  must  fix 
the  jurymen  in  this  case  liberally  or  you  will  lose.  A  friend.’ 
The  second  is  as  follows:  ‘Mr.  Mills  if  you  are  going  to  do 
anything  do  it  quick  and  have  it  money  and  nothing  else.  Go 
to  the  man  at  the  west  end  of  the  jury  box.  It  must  he  money 
or  you  will  lose.  A  friend.’  ” 


252 


THIRD  PERIOD 


The  judge  asked  each  juryman  if  he  knew  anything  of 
the  letters.  All  denied  any  knowledge,  the  end  men  most 
vehemently. 

Called  to  the  stand,  I  told  my  story,  omitting  mention  of  the 
witnesses.  When  I  read  the  amounts  to  be  paid  each  juryman, 
a  most  respectable  salesman  and  neighbor  of  mine  who  was 
named  at  a  very  low  price,  cried  out,  “For  God’s  sake.  Judge, 
stop  this!  My  parents  are  respectable  people,  and  when  they 
read  this  it  will  break  their  hearts!” 

In  the  midst  of  my  narrative  Compton  violently  declared, 

“You  are  a  -  damned  liar.”  The  sheriff  forced  him  back 

into  his  seat.  Compton  and  Hunt  were  sworn,  and  denied  all 
that  I  had  stated. 

The  sheriff  and  court  reporter  then  corroborated  my.  report 
of  the  conversation  which  they  heard  concealed  behind  the 
bed. 

Asked  if  they  wanted  to  be  heard  again,  Compton  and  Hunt 
hung  their  heads,  Compton  only  replying,  “No,  it’s  no  use; 
they  were  behind  the  bed.” 

The  Judge  announced  a  mistrial,  honorably  discharging  all 
members  of  the  jury  but  Compton  and  Hunt,  who  were  con¬ 
fined  in  jail  to  await  the  action  of  the  grand  jury.  True  bills 
were  found  against  them  and  they  were  tried,  convicted  and 
sent  to  the  penitentiary. 

This  narrative  is  compiled  from  official  records  of  the  case 
wffiich  I  possess. 

Returning  home  one  Sunday  from  a  walk  down  El  Paso 
Street,  Nannie  said,  “Anson,  we  had  thought  to  make  El  Paso 
our  home,  but  if  you  do,  you  will  have  to  live  alone.  I  saw 
nothing  but  saloons  and  gambling  dens  with  the  cries  of 
gamblers  and  singing  of  women  among  them !” 

Not  until  1905  did  strength  enough  appear  to  overcome  the 
lawless,  when  Horace  B.  Stevens  (Cut,  250)  took  the  matter  in 
hand,  assisted  by  such  brave  and  self-sacrificing  men  as  J.  A. 
Smith,  W.  S.  McCutcheon,  R.  B.  Bias,  William  H.  and  R.  F. 
Burges,  H.  D.  Slater,  Rev.  Henry  Easter,  Felix  Martinez,  Waters 


THE  REFORMATION  OF  EL  PASO 


253 


Davis,  Millard  Patterson,  W.  M.  Coldwell,  Frank  Powers, 
U.  S.  Stewart,  and  many  others.  Success  was  not  attained 
until  after  many  public  meetings.  Waters  Davis  becoming  the 
head  of  an  organization  for  that  purpose.  Mr.  A.  L.  Sharp 
was  elected  to  the  legislature  and  at  the  request  of  his  con¬ 
stituents  procured  a  bill  closing  the  gambling  houses  by  injunc¬ 
tion.  This  bill  was  prepared  at  the  suggestion  of  Richard 
Burges  by  Judge  W.  M.  Coldwell,  and  stood  all  court  tests. 

All  these  reformers  were  foremost  among  the  builders  of 
the  now  great  city.  J.  A.  Smith,  who  began  with  its  beginning 
and  never  faltered  either  in  successes  or  honest  failures,  either 
in  statesmanlike  politics  or  brave  progressive  business  enter¬ 
prises,  is  particularly  a  noteworthy  figure.  H.  B.  Stevens  and 
Waters  Davis,  in  this  long  fight,  not  only  sacrificed  their 
financial  interests,  but  risked  their  personal  safety. 

The  reform  movement  was  so  successful  that  El  Paso  today 
is  one  of  the  best  governed  cities  in  the  United  States.  Not¬ 
withstanding  the  addition  to  its  population  during  the  past 
two  years  of  fifty  thousand  United  States  soldiers  (well  dis¬ 
ciplined  men,  however),  it  has  stood  the  test  of  good,  safe 
government. 


Mexico 


Youthful  knowledge  of  our  war  of  1847  with  Mexico,  and  i  \  n 
residence  of  four  years  at  El  Paso,  where  I  employed  mam 
Mexicans  in  the  construction  of  buildings  and  surveying,  gavi 
me  a  great  interest  in  its  government,  its  people  and  affair} 
generally.  History  told  me  Cortez  in  his  conquest  destroyed  £ 
civilization  better  than  his  own,  leveling  to  the  earth  a  beautiful 
city  of  five  hundred  thousand  inhabitants,  and  rebuilding  ont 
less  beautiful  by  the  enslavery  of  its  people,  reduced  frorr 
civilization  to  abject  serfdom  by  Spanish  authorities.  For  twc 
hundred  years  these  people  suffered  cruel  wars  before  theii 
efforts  to  acquire  independence  were  successful.  Later. 
Mexico  was  again  victim  of  foreign  nations,  and  finally  Amer¬ 
ica,  too,  was  guilty,  as  I  believe,  of  making  a  needless  and 
unrighteous  war  upon  her  in  1847.  In  evidence,  I  quote  the 
following  from  page  53  of  Grant’s  Memoirs: 

“For  myself,  I  was  bitterly  opposed  to  the  measure,  and  to  this 
day  regard  the  war  which  resulted  as  one  of  the  most  unjust 
ever  waged  by  a  stronger  nation  against  a  weaker  nation.  It 
was  an  instance  of  a  republic  following  the  bad  example  of 
European  monarchies  in  not  considering  justice  in  a  desire  to 
acquire  additional  territory.” 

The  peace  treaty  promised  we  were  to  pay  Mexico  many  I 
millions  for  territory  acquired  by  force,  but  much  of  this  * 
money  was  withheld  until  a  commission  of  our  own  people 
determined  how  much  be  finally  kept  in  payment  of  claims 
alleged  to  be  due  our  citizens — the  pretext  for  the  war.  This 
commission  could  not  find  claims  enough  to  exhaust  the  money  I 
withheld,  so  much  of  it  was  given  back  to  Mexico. 

My  brother,  W.  W.,  lived  on  the  border  for  fifty  years,  ten  I 
of  which  he  was  consul  in  Chihuahua.  Another  brother,  Edgar 
Allen,  after  spending  twenty  years  on  the  Rio  Grande  border, 
lived  and  traveled  in  various  parts  of  Mexico  in  different 
business  capacities  from  1886  to  1901.  He  was  employed  at 
Escalon,  the  City  of  Torreon,  Culiaean,  the  capital  of  Sinaloa,  i 


MEXICO 


255 


and  the  City  of  Jiniinez,  traveling  through  the  states  of  Sinaloa 
and  Durango  to  Jiniinez,  then  to  Sombrerette,  and  then  to 
Gutierrez  and  state  of  Zacatecas,  thence  to  Chihuahua.  He 
found  Mexico  a  tranquil  nation  with  a  people  satisfied  with 
their  government;  where  a  great  majority  of  the  foreigners 
were  likewise  satisfied  with  the  government  and  their  treat¬ 
ment,  and  where  the  people  were  glad  to  see  foreigners  and 
treated  them  well. 

From  all  foreign  nations,  however,  hut  principally  from  our 
own,  came  a  disturbing  element  of  ne’er  do  wells,  itinerant 
visitors  awaiting  a  hoped-for  conquest  and  exploitation  of 
that  country  to  get  their  innings.  Somewhat  lawless,  these 
people  did  much  for  which  they  would  be  arrested  at  home. 
Occasionally  they  were  arrested  by  Mexican  authorities.  Many 
brought  money  procured  from  friends  and  relatives  at  home 
to  enable  them  to  establish  themselves  in  a  new  country.  They 
spent  it  rapidly,  became  troublesome,  got  into  difficulty  with 
the  officials  and  made  loud  complaints  to  our  government. 
These,  perhaps,  did  not  represent  one-fifth  of  the  American 
residents  in  Mexico. 

Another  class  on  the  border  of  Texas,  Arizona  and  New 
Mexico,  were  native  citizens  of  Mexican  descent,  born  on 
American  soil,  but  good  citizens  of  neither  country,  and 
continually  in  trouble  with  one  or  the  other.  Together  with 
lawless  Americans  these  fostered  trouble  from  year  to  year. 

Of  the  probable  fifteen  million  inhabitants  of  Mexico,  at 
least  eleven  million  are  pure  Indians,  with  no  admixture  of 
Spanish  or  other  foreign  blood.  These  Indians  are  much  as 
when  Cortez  found  them,  few  speaking  Spanish  or  any  other 
common  language,  but  speaking  at  least  fifty-five  different 
Indian  languages.  They  have  never  taken  any  interest  in  what 
is  known  to  us  as  politics;  have  no  desire  to  vote,  and  do  not 
know  what  it  means.  Yet  they  are,  or  were,  as  contented  and 
happy  as  other  peoples,  satisfied  with  their  governing  classes, 
and  as  kind  and  gentle  in  their  intercourse  with  each  other  as 
the  people  of  the  average  nation. 


256 


THIRD  PERIOD 


More  Mexicans,  or  people  of  the  Mexican  race,  lived  on 
the  American  side  of  the  border  in  Texas,  New  Mexico, 
Arizona  and  California  than  on  the  Mexican  side,  because  no 
American  markets  are  available  to  Mexican  producers.  They 
could  not  afford  to  pay  the  duty  required  to  enter  the  American 
market  and  compete  with  producers  on  the  American  side,  so 
that  most  produce  was  raised  on  the  American  side  to  which 
adjacent  population  gravitated. 

As  a  citizen  in  Mexico,  an  officer  on  the  border  in  Texas,  and 
as  boundary  commissioner  for  twenty  years,  I  can  testify 
Mexico  possessed  a  tranquil  government,  and  that  my  wife 
and  family  felt  as  well  protected  from  violence  on  the  streets 
of  the  great  cities  as  they  would  have  felt  in  the  United  States. 
My  brother,  W.  W.,  also  found  in  his  official  connection  as 
consul,  that  this  state  of  affairs  existed. 

In  October,  1909,  President  Taft  and  President  Diaz,  by 
mutual  agreement,  met  for  greetings  and  congratulations  at 
El  Paso  and  Juarez,  and  gave  each  other  dinners  on  each  side 
of  the  river.  Physically  splendid  men,  it  is  a  compliment  to 
each  to  say  they  resembled  each  other,  both  in  physical 
appearance,  in  language,  and  in  gesture.  In  Juarez,  I  was  a 
guest  of  the  Mexican  Government;  in  my  diplomatic  capacity, 
I  sat  near  both  Presidents,  who  were  seated  vis-a-vis.  In 
their  speeches  the  two  Presidents  seemed  to  vie  with  each 
other  in  congratulations  on  the  good  relations  and  tranquil 
governments  on  both  sides  of  the  border.  The  hundred  guests 
in  the  great  hall  of  the  custom-house  heard  them  with  pro¬ 
found  interest  and  respect.  No  one  could  doubt  the  sincerity 
of  each;  yet  in  a  few  months  the  two  nations  were  practically 
at  war.  How  it  came  about  will  be  a  mystery  forever,  but 
there  is  no  disputing  the  fact  that  the  rebellion  against  Diaz 
was  organized,  armed  and  equipped  on  the  American  side. 

When  the  trouble  began  six  years  ago,  as  boundary  com¬ 
missioner,  I  advised  the  Government  that  our  neutrality  was 
so  inadequate,  or  laxly  administered,  or  both,  that  nearly  all 
the  insurrectos  then  in  arms  in  Mexico  were  organized  in  the 


MEXICO 


257 


United  States,  and  practically  all  the  arms  and  munitions  of 
war  were  unlawfully  or  at  least  unrighteously  introduced  from 
this  country.  Living  in  El  Paso  during  much  of  the  hostilities, 
1  knew  that  many  secret  service  men,  detectives  and  others  in 
the  employ  of  the  Government,  were  seeking  something.  But 
neither  I,  nor  so  far  as  I  know,  either  of  my  brothers  were 
ever  approached  regarding  conditions  in  Mexico. 

The  original  Francisco  I.  Madero,  said  to  be  of  Jewish 
descent,  as  a  young  man  lived  near  Matamoras,  when  General 
Taylor  crossed  the  Rio  Grande  for  Monterey.  The  army  was 
unable  to  procure  wagon  transportation,  and  Madero  sug¬ 
gested  pack  animal  transportation  to  General  Taylor  as  more 
feasible  because  of  difficult  sandy  roads.  Our  Government 
gave  Madero  large  contracts  to  transport  the  baggage  and 
supplies  of  Taylor’s  army  to  Monterey  and  Saltillo,  by  which 
he  accumulated  a  considerable  fortune.  After  the  war  he 
received  large  concessions  from  the  Mexican  Government. 

The  family  was  very  prolific,  Francisco  I  having  twelve  oi 
thirteen  children,  Francisco  II  about  the  same  number,  and 
Francisco  III,  presidential  candidate,  having  many,  as  did 
nearly  all  his  brothers,  sisters,  uncles  and  aunts.  When  the 
revolution  against  Diaz  broke  out,  the  Madero  family  embraced 
four  or  five  hundred  souls,  nearly  all  more  or  less  wealthy. 
Madero  II  was  a  Diaz  supporter,  as  were  about  half  his 
brothers.  The  rest  were  adherents  of  Madero  III.  The  family 
is  now  dispersed  and  many  have  died. 

I  was  personally  acquainted  with  Francisco  Madero  III,  and 
his  father,  Madero,  Jr.,  was  an  extreme  agitator  similar  to  our 
Debs.  The  greatest  qualification  friends  in  each  case  claimed 
for  their  candidates  for  the  presidency  was  that  they  had 
been  confined  in  jail  by  their  two  countries  for  violations 
bf  laws! 

Mr.  Madero  stated  in  all  sincerity  that  he  hoped  to  be  to  his 
xmntry  what  Washington  was  to  mine.  I  never  met  Mr.  Debs, 
but  I  dare  say  he  had  similar  ambitions  and  with  about  the 
same  reason !  Debs  received  relatively  as  many  American 


258 


THIRD  PERIOD 


votes  when  candidate  for  president  as  Madero  did  when  he 
claimed  election. 

Our  assistance  given  to  such  men  as  Madero,  Orosco,  and 
Villa  in  driving  Diaz,  the  greatest  ruler  Mexico  ever  had, 
from  his  tranquil  government  to  exile,  set  back  for  fifty  years 
the  advancement  that  Diaz  had  given  in  his  twenty-seven 
years  of  authority.  Until  Mexico  discovers  another  such  noble 
man  as  Diaz,  it  will  never  have  the  tranquil  and  stable  gov¬ 
ernment  it  had.  Some  day  Mexico  will  erect  a  monument  to 
his  memory  as  resplendent  as  that  of  Guatemozin  or  Mon¬ 
tezuma.  Were  it  not  that  our  country  is  now  so  absorbed  in 
the  greater  war  in  Europe,  our  jingoes  might  ere  this  have 
caused  another  war  of  conquest,  subjugation  and  exploitation 
in  Mexico. 

I  also  knew  Huerta  personally.  A  graduate  of  their  military 
academy,  an  officer  of  forty  years’  service  in  the  army,  I  do 
not  believe  it  possible  that  he  had  guilty  knowledge  of 
Madero’s  murder. 


259 


(Equitable  Distribution  of  the  Waters  of  the  Rio  Grande 

Because  settlements  in  Colorado  and  New  Mexico  appro¬ 
priated  so  much  water  from  the  Rio  Grande  in  the  flood 
season  the  river  ran  dry  before  it  passed  through  the  arid 
region  around  El  Paso.  Thus  grapevines  and  fruit  trees 

(perished,  and  because  it  was  impossible  to  cultivate  vegetables, 
wheat,  corn  and  other  cereals,  the  settlers  on  both  sides  of  the 
river  were  abandoning  the  country.  In  1888,  the  city  council  of 
El  Paso  asked  me  to  devise  some  remedy  for  their  distress. 

I  recommended  the  construction  of  a  dam  three  miles  above 
the  city,  where  the  formation  in  the  valley  gave  ample  room 
for  immense  water  storage.  At  the  council’s  request  I  went  to 
Washington  and  presented  a  statement  of  their  distress  to  the 
Secretary  of  State. 

II  saw  Mr.  Bayard  on  the  9th  of  December,  and  on  the  10th, 
at  his  request,  presented  the  following  communication: 

Ebbitt  House, 

Washington,  D.  C.,  December  10,  1888. 
Sir:  Agreeable  to  promise  at  our  interview  this  a.m., 
I  have  the  honor  to  submit  the  following  general  outline 
of  my  projected  scheme  for  an  international  dam  and 
water  storage  in  the  Rio  Grande  River,  near  El  Paso, 
Tex.,  for  the  control  of  the  annual  floods  and  the  preser¬ 
vation  of  the  national  boundary  to  the  Gulf,  and  for  other 
purposes. 

The  Rio  Grande,  1,800  miles  long,  rises  from  an  unusual 
number  of  tributaries  in  the  very  high  altitudes  of  southern 
Colorado  and  northern  New  Mexico,  where  the  rain  and 
snowfall  is  extraordinary,  and  the  ice  formed  therefrom 
in  the  long  winter  enormous.  As  it  flows  southward  the 
precipitation  gradually  decreases  for  600  miles,  when  the 
Mexican  boundary  is  reached  at  El  Paso,  Tex.,  where 


260 


THIRD  PERIOD 


there  is  neither  snow  nor  ice,  and  but  8  inches  annua 
rainfall;  from  thence  1,200  miles  south  to  the  Gulf  ot 
Mexico  the  rainfall  is  only  sufficient  to  compensate  for  the 
loss  by  evaporation  (which  latter  is  very  great),  and  foi 
these  reasons  the  river  has  but  few  tributaries  and  nc 
increase  of  flow  below  El  Paso. 

The  annual  floods,  caused  by  the  melting  of  snow  anc 
ice  in  the  mountains,  take  place  in  May  and  last  for  about 
seventy-five  days,  during  which  period  the  average  flow 
may  be  estimated  at  200  yards  in  width  by  2  yards  ir 
depth,  with  a  velocity  of  5  miles  per  hour,  although  ir 
recurring  periods  of  about  seven  years  it  is  much  greater 
During  the  remaining  two  hundred  and  ninety  days  of  the 
year  the  average  flow  is  perhaps  not  over  30  yards  wide 
hv  1  varel  deep,  with  the  same  velocity;  and  in  the  same 
recurring  periods,  in  the  intervals  between  the  high  tides, 
the  river  goes  dry  for  months,  as  it  is  at  this  time — or  al 
least  has  no  current,  with  not  enough  water  in  the  pools 
to  float  the  fish. 

There  is  at  present  popular  opinion  that  this  want  of 
water  comes  from  its  diversion  by  the  numerous  irrigating 
canals  lately  taken  out  in  Colorado  and  New  Mexico,  and 
while  it  is  problematical  what  effect  this  may  have,  if  any.i 
I  am  of  the  opinion  that  most  of  this  water  returns  to  the 
stream  again,  either  through  the  atmosphere,  by  evapora-' 
tion  and  precipitation,  or  by  the  earth,  through  overflow: 
and  drainage,  as  from  personal  observation  I  knowr  that 
these  seasons  of  flood  and  drought  were  of  about  the  same 
character  thirty  years  ago. 

After  leaving  the  mountains  the  river  passes  through 
low  valleys  of  bottom  lands  from  1  to  12  miles  wide  and 
from  4  to  8  feet  above  low-water  level,  of  a  light,  sandy! 
alluvium  formed  during  annual  overflows  by  sedimentary 
deposits  from  silt,  which  the  water  always  carries  in  a 
greater  or  less  degree. 

In  meandering  along  the  Texan  bank  of  the  river  as  a 


EQUITABLE  DISTRIBUTION  OF  THE  WATERS  OF  THE  RIO  GRANDE  261 

land  surveyor,  from  the  New  Mexican  line  to  a  point  below 
Fort  Quitman,  in  1858,  1859,  and  1860,  I  observed  that  the 
deposit  was  from  one-half  inch  to  3  inches  annually,  that 
during  the  floods  the  bed  of  the  river  was  constantly 
changing  by  erosion  and  deposit,  and  that  in  regular 
cycles  it  shifted  from  one  of  its  firm  rocky  or  clay  banks 
to  the  other,  as  the  deposits  had  raised  the  side  of  the 
valley  through  which  it  then  flowed  above  the  level  of  the 
opposite  side.  Generally  this  change  took  place  slowly, 
by  erosion  and  deposit  of  matter  entirely  in  suspension; 
but  frequently  hundreds  of  acres  would  be  passed  in  a 
single  day  by  a  eut-off  in  a  bend  of  one  channel,  and 
sometimes  the  bed  would  suddenly  change  from  one  firm 
bank  to  the  other,  a  distance  of  perhaps  20  miles  in  length 
by  6  in  width.  For  instance,  when  surveying  “El  Canu- 
tillo,”  a  valley  a  short  distance  above  El  Paso,  the  river 
was  moving  westward,  and  about  the  middle  of  the  valley, 
which  was  some  6  miles  wide.  Old  Mexicans  who  had 
lived  in  the  vicinity  informed  me  that  in  1821  the  river 
ran  close  along  the  eastern  bluff,  where  its  bed  was  plainly 
to  be  seen,  as  was  also  a  less  plainly  outlined  bed  along 
the  bluffs  on  the  opposite  side,  where  the  river  flows  at 
this  date,  and  gives  evidence  of  returning  abruptly  to  the 
eastern  bluffs  again  at  the  next  greatest  high  tide,  to  its 
old  channel  along  the  bed  of  the  track  of  the  Santa  Fe 
Railroad. 

In  another  case,  more  recent  and  extensive,  in  the  great 
valley  below  El  Paso,  some  12  miles  in  width  and  20  miles 
long,  the  river,  as  was  plainly  evident  at  the  time  I  was 
surveying  the  land,  had  made  a  sudden  change  from  the 
bluffs  on  the  eastern  or  Texan  side  to  the  western  or 
Mexican  side  of  the  valley. 

Mexicans  who  had  been  residents  continuously  in  that 
vicinity  informed  me  that  this  change  took  place  in  1842. 

Again,  in  1884,  in  this  vicinity,  the  river  swept  suddenly 
from  the  Mexican  side,  crossed  the  Southern  Pacific  Rail- 


262 


THIRD  PERIOD 


road,  and  destroyed  both  track  and  bed  for  a  distance  of 
15  miles,  stopping  traffic  for  a  period  of  three  months 
and  causing  the  removal  of  the  road  to  hills  above  the 
valley. 

Though  these  are  the  most  extensive  changes  that  came 
within  my  personal  observation,  similar  ones  are  being 
made  annually,  from  El  Paso  to  the  Gulf,  which  not  only 
prevent  the  settlement  and  development  of  such  of  the 
lands  as  are  sufficiently  above  the  overflow  (were  the 
banks  and  boundaries  secure),  but  by  reason  of  the  river 
being  the  national  boundary  between  the  United  States 
and  Mexico  for  over  1,200  miles,  cause  fatal  embarrass¬ 
ments  to  the  citizens  and  officials  of  both  Republics  in 
fixing  boundaries  and  titles  to  lands,  in  preventing  smug¬ 
gling,  collecting  customs,  and  in  the  legal  punishment  of 
all  crimes  and  misdemeanors  committed  near  the  supposed 
boundary  line,  it  being  easy  at  almost  any  point  in  its 
great  length  to  produce  evidence  sufficient  to  raise  a 
reasonable  doubt  in  the  minds  of  the  jurors  as  to  which 
side  of  the  line  the  arrest  was  made  or  the  act  committed. 

At  the  last  session  of  Congress  the  House  passed  a  joint 
resolution  (No.  112)  requesting  the  President  to  appoint  a 
commission,  in  conjunction  with  a  similar  one  from  the 
Republic  of  Mexico,  to  consider  the  matter  above  referred 
to.  While  surveying  these  lands  in  1858,  and  prospecting 
for  a  crossing  of  the  Rio  Grande  for  the  Memphis,  El  Paso 
and  Pacific  Railroad,  which  was  then  projected — and  in 
fact  in  course  of  construction — I  examined  the  pass  about 
three  miles  above  the  present  city  of  El  Paso,  and  dis-  I 
covered  that  it  had  solid  rock  bed  and  walls,  the  latter  but 
about  400  feet  apart,  and  that  the  valley  above  which  came  . 
close  down  to  the  spur  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  which 
crossed  the  river  and  formed  the  pass  was  from  4  to  8 
miles  wide,  with  a  fall  of  about  4  feet  to  the  mile,  so  that 
it  would  be  an  easy  matter  to  build  a  dam  in  this  pass  and 
create  an  immense  lake. 


EQUITABLE  DISTRIBUTION  OF  THE  WATERS  OF  THE  RIO  GRANDE  263 

The  water  coming  through  this  pass  for  ages  has  depos¬ 
ited  at  its  lower  end  a  great  mass  of  rocks,  over  which  is 
formed  rapids  with  about  12  feet  fall,  and  the  aborigines 
of  prehistoric  ages  made  use  of  this  to  carry  the  water  on 
to  the  lands  below,  no  one  knows  how  long  ago,  but  it  is 
known  that  the  Mexicans  have  used  it  for  two  hundred 
years  under  most  disadvantageous  and  unsatisfactory 
circumstances. 

I  have  witnessed,  each  succeeding  year,  hundreds  of 
Mexicans  piling  loose  stones  on  the  top  of  this  drift  of 
rocks  to  raise  the  level  to  that  carried  away  by  the  floods 
of  the  preceding  year;  and  it  has  been  estimated  by  a 
Federal  engineer  sent  from  the  City  of  Mexico,  that,  had 
the  labor  thus  expended  been  reduced  to  silver,  the  dam 
could  have  been  built  of  the  solid  metal.  The  difficulty 
has  been  and  always  will  be  that  there  is  neither  bed  rock 
nor  solid  earth  in  the  bottom  or  banks,  each  being  com¬ 
posed  of  quicksand. 

In  other  places  in  the  valley  temporary  willow  dams  1 
or  2  feet  high  are  made  at  convenient  places,  and  the 
water  carried  several  miles  below  on  to  the  lands  that  are 
above  the  usual  overflow;  but  these  dams  are  carried 
away  annually  and  have  to  be  rebuilt,  and  frequently  the 
river  bed  moves  miles  away  from  the  mouth  of  the  ditch 
or  acequia,  rendering  it  useless;  but  even  if  these  difficul¬ 
ties  in  carrying  the  water  from  the  bed  of  the  river  to  the 
lands  are  overcome  in  the  usual  manner,  it  is  evident  that 
by  reason  of  a  great  overflow,  say,  every  seventh  year, 
and  a  dry  river  in  a  like  period,  no  system  of  irrigation 
for  the  Rio  Grande  can  prove  satisfactory  that  does  not 
embrace  a  grand  storage  system  sufficient  both  to  restrain, 
to  a  great  extent,  at  least,  the  tidal  flow  and  maintain  a 
constant  annual  flow,  especially  since  the  great  immigra¬ 
tion  and  settlement  in  its  valley  is  constantly  doubling 
the  demand  for  water. 

Being  on  leave  of  absence  in  the  city  of  El  Paso  recently, 


264 


THIRD  PERIOD 


where  I  was  a  citizen  before  the  war,  having  surveyed  the 
first  plat  of  the  town  and  being  well  known  to  most  of  its 
citizens,  I  was  invited  by  the  city  council  to  submit  to  it  a  \ 
plan  for  water  supply  and  irrigation  that  would  overcome 
the  difficulties  above  referred  to. 

It  at  once  occurred  to  me  that  as  the  Rio  Grande  was 
the  joint  property  of  the  two  nations,  and  especially  as 
the  Mexicans  had  used  its  waters  since  time  when  “the 
memory  of  man  runneth  not  to  the  contrary,”  that  any 
plan  to  be  acceptable  and  satisfactory  must  be  interna¬ 
tional  in  character,  and  the  works,  both  before  and  after 
completion,  under  the  joint  federal  control  of  the  two 
nations,  the  more  so  as  riparian  rights  in  this  country,  so 
far  as  regards  irrigation,  are  not  well  defined  by  law,  and 
could  be  best  brought  about  in  this  instance  by  treaty 
stipulations  between  the  two  countries. 

The  matter  of  restraining  the  tidal  flow  by  storing  the 
water,  and  thus  protect  the  constantly  changing  national 
boundary^,  occurred  to  me — if  it  could  be  introduced  into 
the  project — as  likely  to  secure  encouragement  and  sub¬ 
stantial  aid  in  money  from  both  governments. 

And  further,  that  El  Paso,  being  now  a  city  of  over 
11,000  population,  and  having  every  prospect  of  being  a 
large  manufacturing  city  at  no  distant  day — there  being 
no  place  within  500  miles  likely  to  compete  with  it — the 
subject  of  water  power  ought  also  to  enter  into  the  prob¬ 
lem,  which  of  necessity  is  of  such  vast  proportions  as  to 
require  all  incidental  aid  possible  to  attach  to  it  to  insure  ; 
its  success. 

It  will  be  apparent,  from  what  has  been  written,  that 
the  Rio  Grande  is  one  of  the  first  magnitude,  not  only  in 
length  and  breadth,  but  for  short  annual  periods  in  devas¬ 
tating  flow  of  waters,  and  that  its  general  characteristics, 
as  compared  with  other  rivers  with  reference  to  irrigation, 
are  so  abnormal  as  to  require  different  or  more  heroic 
treatment. 


EQUITABLE  DISTRIBUTION  OF  THE  WATERS  OF  THE  RIO  GRANDE  265 

I  therefore  projected  a  scheme  which  may  be  briefly 
outlined  as  follows: 

To  build  a  strong  dam  of  stones  and  cement— say,  60 
feet  high — in  the  pass  before  referred  to,  and  by  submerg¬ 
ing  about  60,000  acres  of  land  now  subject  to  overflow  and 
of  little  comparative  value,  create  a  vast  lake  15  miles  long 
by  7  wide,  with  a  probable  storage  capacity  of  4,000,000,000 
cubic  yards  of  water;  place  gates  on  each  side  of  the  river 
in  the  dam  at  the  50-foot  level  for  wasteweirs  and  irrigat¬ 
ing  canals  to  supply  each  side  of  the  river  and  keep  up  a 
flow  in  its  bed  which  would  bring  the  water  in  the  canals 
70  feet  above  the  streets  in  the  cities  of  El  Paso  and  Juarez, 
respectively. 

The  gates  at  the  50-foot  level  would  give  an  available 
reserve  of  water  of  10  feet  over  the  entire  surface  of  the 
lake — over  2,000,000,000  cubic  yards — which  would  be 
exhausted  during  the  long  season  of  little  flow  for  the 
purposes  of  irrigation  and  other  needs,  as  well  as  main¬ 
taining  a  constant  stream  in  the  river  beds  so  arranged  as 
to  exhaust  the  reserve  about  the  period  of  annual  flood, 
which  would  be  checked  and  held  in  reserve  for  the  next 
season  of  little  flow,  and  in  this  manner  produce  a  com¬ 
paratively  constant  and  unvarying  flow  of  water  for  each 
entire  year  below  the  dam,  redeeming  many  times  the 
number  of  acres  submerged  above  in  the  lake  from  over¬ 
flow  below,  and  fixing  permanently  the  national  boundary, 
the  banks  of  the  river,  as  well  as  the  boundaries  and  titles 
to  private  lands,  and  making  it  an  easy  matter  to  collect 
duties  and  prevent  smuggling,  detect  crimes  and  misde¬ 
meanors  generally,  arrest  and  punish  criminals,  as  it  is 
along  other  national  boundaries. 

The  assumed  flow  given  for  the  75  days  of  high-water 
will  give  about  6,500,000,000  cubic  yards,  and  that  for  the 
remaining  290  days  1,500,000,000,  making  an  aggregate 
annual  flow  of  8,000,000,000  cubic  yards.  If  we  allow 
2,000,000,000  of  this  for  loss  by  evaporation  and  other 


266 


THIRD  PERIOD 


wastes,  which  former  in  this  dry  atmosphere  is  very  great, 
perhaps  80  inches,  we  have  6,000,000,000  cubic  yards 
remaining.  This  should  be  divided  into  three  equal  parts, 
one  for  each  side  of  the  river,  for  irrigation  and  other 
needs,  and  the  third  for  overflow,  through  water  motors,  i 
to  furnish  power  to  the  future  manufacturing  cities  on 
each  side  and  to  maintain  a  constant  flow  in  the  river 
below  to  the  Gulf,  as  would  no  doubt  be  demanded  by  the 
people  there  as  their  right  ere  they  would  permit  the 
scheme  to  be  carried  out. 

The  2,000,000,000  cubic  yards  falling  a  distance  of  50 
feet  over  the  dam,  estimating  the  weight  of  a  cubic  yard 
of  water  at  500  pounds,  and  1  horse-power  the  energy 
required  to  lift  33,000  pounds  1  foot  in  a  minute,  would 
expend  energy  equal  to  over  10,000  horse-power  for  8 
hours  every  day  in  the  year,  and  produce  a  constant 
stream  in  the  bed  of  the  river  26  yards  wide  by  1  foot 
deep,  running  with  a  velocity  of  5  miles  per  hour,  to  say 
nothing  of  the  probability  that  the  greater  part  of  the 
other  two-thirds  would  find  its  way  again  to  the  river  bed 
through  the  earth  and  air,  the  whole  flowing  in  a  steady, 
continuous  stream  to  the  mouth  of  the  river,  to  be  used 
as  required  at  any  season  of  the  year,  instead  of,  as  is 
now  the  case,  three-fourths  of  the  entire  mass  of  the 
annual  flow  going  rapidly  to  the  Gulf  in  the  short  period 
of  75  days  untaxed. 

Estimating  the  amount  of  water  required  for  annual 
irrigation  at  20  inches,  the  water  reserved  for  that  purpose 
would  be  sufficient  for  100,000  acres  on  each  side  of  the 
river — all  that  could  be  reclaimed  from  the  desert  for  100 
miles  below. 

To  carry  out  this  project  I  recommended  to  the  people 
on  each  side  of  the  Rio  Grande  that  they  petition  to  the 
executive  authority  of  their  respective  nations  for  the 
creation  of  a  joint  commission  to  draw  up  the  necessary  >' 
treaty  stipulations  to  protect  the  work  and  the  rights  of 
all  interested  in  them,  the  fundamental  feature  of  which 


EQUITABLE  DISTRIBUTION  OF  THE  WATERS  OF  THE  RIO  GRANDE  267 

should  certainly  be  that  each  nation  should  have  the  right 
to  divert  no  more  than  one-third  of  the  How  at  any  period, 
and  that  one-third  of  the  flow  should  be  maintained  in  the 
bed  of  the  river;  and  that  this  international  commission 
have  charge  and  control  of  the  work  after  completion  as 
well  as  during  construction. 

That  the  legislative  authorities  of  the  two  nations  be 
asked  to  appropriate,  after  complete  investigation  and 
estimates  have  been  made,  money  sufficient  to  complete 
the  work,  probably  $100,000  for  the  dam  proper,  $100,000 
for  the  condemnation  of  the  50,000  acres  of  land  to  be 
submerged,  and  $100,000  for  the  removal  of  some  15  miles 
of  the  road-bed  of  the  Atchison,  Topeka  and  Santa  Fe 
Railroad  to  bluffs  above  the  old  bed  of  the  river,  where 
the  track  now  lies,  subject  to  annual  damage,  and  sooner 
or  later  total  destruction,  unless  removed. 

It  will  also  be  apparent  that  the  waters  of  this  great 
lake  will  be  clear  and  fresh,  the  silt  held  in  suspension  in 
the  current  of  the  river  being  precipitated  as  soon  as  it 
enters  the  still  water  of  the  lake,  doing  away  with  the 
great  trouble  and  expense  now  necessary  in  keeping  the 
canals  and  ditches  cleansed  of  sedimentary  deposits,  and 
a  further  great  benefit  derived  from  using  water  reduced 
in  temperature  by  exposure  for  months  in  a  warm  climate 
far  below  that  used  in  the  early  spring,  which  comes  in 
three  days  from  snow  and  ice  and  is  immediately  applied 
to  the  young  and  tender  sprouting  plants,  chilling  and 
checking  their  growth. 

I  know  of  no  point  in  the  Rio  Grande  between 
Albuquerque  and  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  where  nature  has 
provided  both  the  natural  basin  and  rim  for  a  lake  of  such 
great  dimensions,  for,  indeed,  it  can  be  made  100  feet 
deep  if  desired,  and  it  may  be  questioned  whether  a 
depth  of  60  feet,  with  10  feet  reserve  to  draw  from,  will 
afford  sufficient  storage  to  control  perfectly  the  tide  at  its 
highest  flow. 


THIRD  PERIOD 


This  project  was  well  received  by  the  people  and  has 
been  earnestly  discussed  in  the  public  press  of  the  locality 
ever  since  with  general  approbation  and  a  disposition  to 
endeavor  to  carry  it  out  as  quickly  as  possible.  The  only 
question  exciting  any  general  distrust  is  that  the  sedimen¬ 
tary  deposit  in  the  lake,  it  is  held  by  some,  will  shorten  the 
life  of  the  reservoir  by  filling  the  lake  at  such  an  early 
period  as  to  render  the  scheme  of  doubtful  expediency, 
and  opinions  differ  very  widely  upon  this  subject,  which 
is,  indeed,  a  problematical  one,  and  can  only  he  deter¬ 
mined,  even  approximately,  by  actual  measurements  of  a 
great  majority  of  the  annual  flow,  for  the  quantity  of 
sediment  changes  with  flow  and  season. 

That  the  bed  of  the  river  will  eventually  he  filled,  of 
course,  is  only  a  matter  of  time,  hut  whether  in  fifteen  or 
one  hundred  and  fifty  years  can  only  be  ascertained  by 
prolonged,  actual  measurements;  but  even  if  filled  in  the 
near  future  it  seems  to  me  that  the  difficulty  may  be 
overcome  by  raising  the  dam,  unless,  indeed,  that  should 
be  required  too  often. 

The  matter  has  already  been  referred  to  Major  Powell, 
chief  of  the  Geological  Survey,  who  has  sent  Captain 
Clarence  Dutton,  of  his  Department,  to  El  Paso  to  inves¬ 
tigate  and  report  on  the  feasibility  of  the  scheme;  but  as 
the  initial  steps,  should  it  be  pronounced  feasible,  must 
come  from  your  Department  in  the  nature  of  international 
treaty  stipulations,  I  have  thought  it  proper  to  thus  early 
acquaint  you  with  the  grand  project. 

I  beg  to  refer  you  to  Hon.  Mr.  Lanham,  member  of 
Congress  from  Texas,  who  is  acquainted  with  me  per¬ 
sonally  and  my  projected  scheme. 

Anson  Mills, 

Major  Tenth  Cavalry,  Brevet  Lieutenant  Colonel, 

United  States  Army. 

The  Secretary  of  State, 

Washington,  D.  C. 


EQUITABLE  DISTRIBUTION  OF  THE  WATERS  OF  THE  RIO  GRANDE  269 


In  April,  1888,  at  the  instance  of  Major  Powell,  I  had  received 
orders  from  the  War  Department  to  report  to  the  command¬ 
ing  officer  at  Fort  Bliss,  with  instructions  to  lend  whatever 
aid  I  could  to  the  Interior  Department  and  its  Geological 
Survey  party,  investigating  the  redemption  of  irrigable  lands 
in  the  Rio  Grande  Valley. 

Major  Powell  also  wrote,  asking  me  to  act  as  advisory  agent 
of  the  survey,  and  to  give  it  my  opinions  and  advice  regarding 
this  work,  as  well  as  to  supervise  a  gauge  station  they  were  to 
construct  for  measuring  the  annual  river  flow,  evaporation,  etc. 

The  Geological  Survey  was  authorized  to  investigate  the 
feasibility  of  reclaiming  arid  lands  by  dams  and  water  storage. 
Colonel  E.  S.  Nettleton,  of  Denver,  Colorado,  was  appointed 
supervising  engineer  of  the  southwestern  district,  and  I 
was  appointed  his  assistant,  as  supervising  engineer  of  the 
district  of  El  Paso,  with  money  to  employ  engineers  and  other 
assistants  to  make  plans  and  estimates  for  the  proposed  inter¬ 
national  dam  at  El  Paso.  With  Mr.  W.  W.  Follett,  one  of  the 
best  hydraulic  engineers  in  the  United  States  as  my  aid,  I 
proceeded  to  carry  out  the  work  as  speedily  as  possible.  The 
Senate  Committee  on  Irrigation,  of  which  Senator  Stewart 
was  Chairman,  intended  to  visit  El  Paso  later  and  examine 
the  location,  plans,  specifications  and  estimates,  so  that,  if 
approved,  they  could  recommend  an  appropriation  to  con¬ 
struct  it. 

While  engaged  in  this  investigation  an  apparently  unrelated 
incident  occurred  which  had  a  most  unfortunate  effect  upon 
our  labors. 

The  Secretary  of  War,  Mr.  Proctor,  ordered  me  to  Fort 
Selden. 

Here  an  irrigation  company,  represented  by  Mr.  W.  H.  H. 
Llewellyn,  held  a  revocable  license  to  construct  a  canal 
through  the  Selden  Reservation.  The  Mexican  citizens,  assem¬ 
bled  in  force  with  arms,  had  forbidden  the  workmen  to  con¬ 
struct  the  canal,  and  I  was  to  make  a  thorough  investigation 


270 


Colonel  E.  S.  Nettleton. 


W.  W.  Follett. 


Major  James  W.  Powell. 


EQUITABLE  DISTRIBUTION  OF  THE  WATERS  OF  THE  RIO  GRANDE  271 

as  to  the  trouble,  and  report  to  the  Secretary  personally  in 
Washington. 

After  two  days  investigation  I  found  the  canal  company 
charter  authorized  them  to  build  their  canal  through  and  over 
the  community  canals  of  the  settlements  along  the  river,  in 
use  for  over  one  hundred  years,  and  compel  the  Mexican 
farmers  to  pay  water  rent  for  new  canals.  The  farmers, 
having  prior  right  to  the  use  of  the  water,  objected. 

In  Washington,  the  Secretary  proposed  a  hearing  on  Feb¬ 
ruary  2,  1889,  and  asked  a  written  report  from  me,  to  be  read 
at  the  meeting,  in  which  I  recommended  the  license  be 
revoked. 

Senator  Reagan,  of  Texas,  the  delegate  from  New  Mexico, 
Mr.  Llewellyn,  and  many  others  interested,  were  present  at 
the  meeting.  After  reading  my  report  and  a  full  hearing  of 
both  sides,  the  Secretary  revoked  the  license  and  instructed 
the  commanding  officer  of  Selden  to  remove  Llewellyn’s 
workmen  from  the  reservation.  Mr.  Llewellyn  grew  violently 
angry  at  me,  and  on  my  return  to  the  hotel  I  found  the  fol¬ 
lowing  note : 

The  Ebbitt  House, 

Washington,  D.  C., 

Feb.  2nd,  1890. 

Dear  Major: 

I  have  wired  Messrs.  Davis  and  Morehead  to  have  their 
people  keep  out,  that  if  there  is  no  new  ditch  at  Las 
Cruces  there  will  be  no  new  dam  at  El  Paso. 

W.  H.  H.  Llewellyn. 

Davis  and  Morehead  advocated  the  El  Paso  dam. 

When  the  committee  reached  El  Paso,  August  20,  1889, 
Major  Powell,  Colonel  Nettleton,  Mr.  Follett  and  I  explained 
our  plans  in  detail.  They  and  the  members  from  that  dis¬ 
trict  and  Mr.  Lanham,  who  was  much  interested  in  the  project, 
all  approved. 

Meanwhile  the  Mexican  Government  demanded  compensa- 


272 


THIRD  PERIOD 


tion  from  the  United  States  for  the  appropriation  by  Amer¬ 
ican  citizens  of  the  waters  of  the  Rio  Grande,  to  which  Mexico 
claimed  prior  right.  A  bill  was  introduced  in  both  Houses 
of  Congress  making  an  appropriation  for  the  construction  of 
the  El  Paso  dam  by  the  United  States,  provided  Mexico  relin¬ 
quished  all  claims  for  indemnity  in  return  for  half  the  water 
to  be  stored. 

This  bill  was  thoroughly  discussed  in  both  Houses  of  Con¬ 
gress  during  the  session  of  1889  and  1890,  and  was  apparently 
satisfactory7  to  all  parties  concerned,  and  it  was  generally 
supposed  that  it  would  pass.  On  April  26,  1890,  having  fin¬ 
ished  the  duties  required  of  me,  the  War  Department  relieved 
me  and  I  rejoined  my  regiment. 

When  it  was  evident  the  United  States  was  committed  to 
building  a  dam  at  El  Paso  and  dividing  the  water  with  Mex-  \ 
ico.  Dr.  Nathan  Boyd,  of  New  Mexico,  obtained  a  charter  from 
New  Mexico  to  build  a  similar  dam  at  Elephant  Butte,  one 
hundred  and  twenty-five  miles  above  El  Paso,  with  the  appa¬ 
rent  intention  of  holding  up  the  waters  of  the  Rio  Grande  and 
the  United  States  Government  and  compelling  it  to  supply 
water  to  Mexico  through  his  company.  (See  Colonel  Engledue’s  ' 
address  to  the  stockholders  of  Boyd’s  company,  p.  343,  vol.  2, 
Boundary  Commission  Proceedings.) 

The  Mexican  Government  protested  in  1896,  stating  that  I 
before  they  could  accept  their  share  of  the  water  to  be  stored  < 
by  the  proposed  international  dam  at  El  Paso,  as  indemnity 
for  their  loss  of  water  taken  out  on  the  upper  river,  investiga-  I 
tions  should  ascertain  whether  there  would  be  sufficient  water  ; 
in  the  Rio  Grande  to  supply  both  dams.  If  not,  measures  | 
should  be  taken  to  restrain  the  projectors  of  the  Elephant  : 
Butte  dam  from  using  waters  to  which  Mexicans  had  prior 
right. 

This  protest  was  referred  to  me  by  the  Secretary7  of  State, 
who  asked  my  opinion. 

I  reported  that  in  my  opinion  that  it  would  be  unsafe  to 
rely  on  a  sufficient  flow  to  restore  to  Mexico  the  water  to 


EQUITABLE  DISTRIBUTION  OF  THE  WATERS  OF  THE  RIO  ORANDE  273 

which  she  claimed  prior  right  unless  the  Elephant  Butte  cor¬ 
poration  could  be  restrained  from  the  use  of  such  water.  Suit 
was  instituted  by  the  Attorney  General  to  enjoin  the  company. 
So  began  a  contest  which  lasted  for  many  years,  going  three 
times  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  before  the 
Elephant  Butte  Company  was  permanently  enjoined  from 
constructing  their  dam. 

These  complications  delayed  both  projects  for  several  years. 
A  protocol,  dated  May  6,  1896,  between  the  Secretary  of  State, 
Richard  Olney,  and  Ambassador  Romero,  directed  F.  Javier 
Osorno  and  myself.  Boundary  Commissioners  for  Mexico  and 
the  United  States,  to  continue  the  investigation  and  report  on 
the  following  matters: 

First,  the  amount  of  Rio  Grande  water  taken  by  the  irriga¬ 
tion  canals  constructed  in  the  United  States. 

Second,  the  average  amount  of  water  in  the  river,  year  by 
year,  before  and  since  the  construction  of  the  irrigation  canals. 

Third,  the  most  feasible  method  of  so  regulating  the  river 
as  to  secure  to  each  country  and  its  inhabitants  their  legal 
and  equitable  rights  and  interests  in  said  water. 

Captain  George  McC.  Derby,  U.  S.  Engineers,  was  ordered 
to  report  to  me,  and  Senor  Don  J.  Ramon  de  Ibarrola,  engineer 
on  the  part  of  Mexico,  was  ordered  to  report  to  Mr.  Osorno. 

The  Commission  worked  diligently  on  this  investigation 
until  November  25,  1896,  when  it  reported  its  opinion  that  the 
most  feasible  means  of  attaining  the  ends  desired  was  to  con¬ 
struct  the  dam  and  reservoir  projected  by  Mr.  Follett  and 
myself  under  the  investigations  made  by  the  Geological  Survey, 
provided  Mexico  could  be  protected  in  some  way  which  would 
prevent  the  taking  from  the  Rio  Grande  by  dams  and  water 
storage  of  water  to  which  she  had  prior  right.  I  was  author¬ 
ized  by  the  Secretary  of  State  to  formulate  with  Ambassador 
Romero  a  draft  of  a  treaty  to  that  effect,  which  we  accom¬ 
plished,  submitting  copies  to  the  Secretaries  of  State  of  both 
nations. 


274 


THIRD  PERIOD 


The  two  nations  were  willing  to  consummate  the  proposec 
treaty.  Congress  appeared  to  be  ready  to  appropriate  the 
necessary  money  but,  again,  the  unexpected  happened.  Mak¬ 
ing  violent  charges  against  me  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  Dr 
Boyd  demanded  that  President  McKinley  dismiss  me  from  the 
Boundary  Commission  or  he  would  defeat  his  re-election  bj 
his  control  of  two  or  three  western  States;  and  threatened  to 
horsewhip  Secretary  Hay  if  he  did  not  do  his  bidding.  Mr. 
Wilkie,  of  the  Secret  Service,  reported  Dr.  Boyd  to  be  a  dan¬ 
gerous  man,  so  he  was  denied  further  personal  conferences 
in  the  State  Department.  (I  knew  nothing  of  this  for  years 
afterwards.)  Boyd  then  strove  to  influence  Roosevelt  (who 
had  become  President)  against  me  and  the  international  dam. 
Mr.  Roosevelt,  without  consulting  the  Commission  having  the 
project  in  charge,  placed  it  in  the  hands  of  Mr.  Newell,  of  the 
Reclamation  Service,  with  directions  to  build  the  dam  at 
Elephant  Butte.  After  some  delay  another  treaty  with  Mexico 
(concerning  which  I,  though  still  Mexican  Boundary  Com¬ 
missioner,  was  not  consulted),  was  effected  for  building  the 
dam  at  Elephant  Butte.  By  the  terms  of  this  treaty  Mexico 
is  to  receive  a  share  of  the  water  to  be  stored  by  the  dam  and 
relinquishes  all  claims  for  indemnity  for  the  diversion  of  the 
waters  of  the  upper  Rio  Grande  by  American  citizens. 

As  Llewellyn  threatened,  there  never  was  a  “new  dam  at  El 
Paso,”  largely  owing  to  himself  and  Boyd.  After  twelve  years, 
at  a  cost  nearly  four  times  as  great  as  estimated  for  the  inter¬ 
national  dam  at  El  Paso,  the  Elephant  Butte  dam  is  complete; 
but  it  is  doubtful  whether  it  will  ever  be  of  any  great  benefit 
to  the  valleys  near  El  Paso  because  of  the  great  distance  over 
which  the  water  has  to  be  carried  through  arid  wastes.  Full 
details  may  be  found  in  my  published  reports  under  the  head 
of  “Equitable  Distributions  of  the  Waters  of  the  Rio  Grande, 
Vol.  2.” 


Mexican  Boundary  Commissioners. 


275 


S'  ~\v 


277 


Boundary  Commission 

I  have  already  explained  how  this  Commission  came  to  be 
formed  and  how  I  was  appointed  and  entered  upon  the  duties 
as  sole  Commissioner  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  (Text, 
203.)  I  have  also  explained  the  relation  of  the  Commission  to 
the  international  dam  for  the  equitable  distribution  of  the 
waters  of  the  Rio  Grande,  the  subsequent  Commission  by  pro¬ 
tocol  of  Commissioner  Osorno  and  myself  for  the  same  pur¬ 
pose  (Text,  259),  and  the  later  Commission  for  the  equitable 
distribution  (Text,  269). 

The  duty  of  the  International  Boundary  Commission,  briefly 
stated,  is  to  apply  the  principles  agreed  upon  by  the  two  gov¬ 
ernments  in  the  boundary  treaties  to  the  varying  conditions 
caused  by  the  kaleidoscopic  changes  in  the  current  of  the 
Rio  Grande. 

The  boundary  treaties  of  1848  and  1853  make  “the  middle 
of”  the  Rio  Grande  the  boundary,  while  the  treaty  of  1884 
provides  that  the  boundary  shall  “follow  the  center  of  the 
normal  channel  *  *  *  notwithstanding  any  alterations  in 

the  banks  or  in  the  course”  of  the  river  “provided  that  such 
alterations  be  effected  by  natural  causes  through  the  slow  and 

1  gradual  erosion  and  deposit  of  alluvium  and  not  by  the  aban¬ 
donment  of  an  existing  river  bed  and  the  opening  of  a  new 
one.”  Article  II  of  this  same  treaty  provides  that  “any  other 
change,  wrought  by  the  force  of  the  current,  whether  by  the 
cutting  of  a  new  bed  or  when  there  is  more  than  one  channel 
by  the  deepening  of  another  channel  *  *  *  shall  produce 

no  change  in  the  dividing  line.” 

The  treaty  of  1889,  which  established  the  International 
Boundary  Commission,  provides  that  “when  owing  to  natural 
causes,  any  change  shall  take  place  in  the  bed  of  the  Rio 
Grande  *  *  *  which  may  affect  the  boundary  line,  notice 

of  that  fact  shall  be  given  by  the  proper  local  authorities 
*  *  *  on  receiving  which  notice  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  the 
said  Commission  to  repair  to  the  place  where  the  change  has 


278 


THIRD  PERIOD 


taken  place  or  the  question  has  arisen,  to  make  a  persona]  i 
examination  of  such  change,  to  compare  it  with  the  bed  of  the 
river  as  it  was  before  the  change  took  place,  as  shown  by  the 
surveys,  and  to  decide  whether  it  has  occurred  through  avul¬ 
sion  or  erosion  for  the  effects  of  Articles  I  and  II  of  the  con¬ 
vention  of  November  12,  1884.” 

The  Commission  was  organized  January  8,  1894,  in  the  office 
of  the  Mexican  Consul,  in  El  Paso,  as  follows: 


On  the  part  of  Mexico: 

Jose  M.  Canalizo,  Commissioner 

Lieut.  Col.  E.  Corella,  Consulting  Engineer 

Salvador  F.  Maillefert,  Secretary 

On  the  part  of  the  United  States: 

Col.  Anson  Mills,  Commissioner 
Frank  B.  Dabney,  Consulting  Engineer 
John  A.  Happer,  Secretary 

The  Commission  recommended  rules  for  its  future  govern¬ 
ment,  which  were  approved  by  the  Secretaries  of  State  of  both 
governments.  Before  we  completed  the  first  case  referred  to 
us,  Commissioner  Canalizo  died,  and  F.  Javier  Osorno  was 
appointed  as  his  successor. 

September  28,  1894,  the  full  Commission  again  met  at  El  1 
Paso  and  proceeded  to  an  examination  upon  the  ground  of 
the  cases  of  Banco  de  C.amargo,  Banco  de  Vela,  Banco  de 
Santa  Margarita  and  Banco  de  Granjeno. 

These  so-called  bancos  were  formed  by  a  combination  of 
“slow  and  gradual  erosion”  coupled  with  “avulsion”  in  the  : 
following  manner:  Where  the  river  passes  through  low  allu¬ 
vial  bottoms  with  banks  of  fragile  consistency  and  slight  fall 
the  channel  continually  changes  from  right  to  left,  eroding  the 
concave  bank  and  depositing  on  the  convex.  This  occurs  in 
low  as  well  as  high  water,  though  the  changes  are  more 
marked  during  high  water  stages.  These  erosions  are  greatest 
where  the  water  in  a  tangent  from  a  curve  strikes  the  bank  at 


BOUNDARY  COMMISSION 


279 


an  acute  angle,  ceasing  when  the  angle  becomes  so  obtuse 
that  the  water  is  readily  deflected  by  the  consistency  of  the 
bank.  When  the  curve  forms  a  circle  the  radius  of  which  is 
dependent  on  the  consistency  of  the  earth  and  the  volume  and 
velocity  of  the  water,  erosions  practically  cease  and  the  river 
turns  upon  itself  in  a  circle  and  forms  a  “cut-off,”  leaving  the 
land  thus  separated  (called  a  banco)  somewhat  in  the  form 
of  a  pear  or  gourd,  with  the  stem  cut  by  the  river’s  current  at 
the  moment  of  separation.  (See  cut  of  the  double  Banco  de 
Santa  Margarita.  Proceedings  Boundary  Commission,  Vol.  I, 
p.  191.) 

In  many  cases  through  ensuing  changes  in  the  channel  an 
American  or  Mexican  banco  would  he  entirely  cut  off  even 
from  the  river  and  wholly  surrounded  by  land  within  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  other  country. 

The  origin  of  these  bancos  was  so  different  from  our  ex¬ 
pectations  that  both  the  Mexican  Commissioner  and  I,  after 
deliberate  consideration,  concluded  that  their  process  of  for¬ 
mation,  their  form  and  constantly  changing  character,  could 
not  have  been  contemplated  by  the  conventions  creating  the 
treaties  of  1884  and  1889.  We  both  suggested  to  our  govern¬ 
ments  the  reconsideration  of  Articles  I  and  II  of  the  treaty  of 
1884,  as  far  as  they  related  to  these  bancos,  to  the  end  that 
provision  might  be  made  for  transferring  all  such  bancos  to 
the  sovereignty  of  the  United  States  or  Mexico  according  as 
they  lay  on  the  American  or  Mexican  side  of  the  present  river 
channel,  without  disturbing  the  private  ownership  as  it  might 
be  ascertained. 

This  treaty  was  negotiated  and  ratified  in  1905  and  has 
since  then  worked  to  the  satisfaction  of  both  governments  and 
resulted  in  the  “elimination”  of  perhaps  75  of  these  bancos 
and  the  maintenance  of  the  international  boundary  line  in  the 
center  of  the  running  river. 

Some  of  the  difficulties  under  which  the  Commission  did 
much  of  its  work  on  the  lower  Bio  Grande  will  appear  from 
the  following  incident  which  occurred  while  the  Commission 


280 


THIRD  PERIOD 


was  considering  the  case  of  the  Banco  de  Granjeno,  neai 
Havana. 

The  day  before  the  Congressional  elections  in  Texas  the 
Mexican  Commissioner  joined  our  camp  on  the  river.  Com¬ 
ing  by  carriage  through  Havana,  he  observed  a  procession  of 
grotesquely  clad  Americans  and  Mexicans  carrying  a  flag  and 
beating  drums.  Mr.  Osorno’s  first  experience  with  United 
States  election  methods,  the  several  hundred  people  in  the 
little  town  of  not  more  than  20  or  30  inhabitants  excited  his 
curiosity  as  to  where  all  these  people  had  come  from.  As 
Reynoca  was  a  large  city  on  the  Mexican  side,  he  suspected 
that  many  of  them  were  from  Mexico.  A  portly  Mexican, 
much  resembling  Sancho  Panza  and  clad  very  much  after  his 
style,  carried  the  flag. 

The  Joint  Commission  had  summoned  nine  witnesses  to 
appear  at  our  camp  the  next  day  at  9  o’clock  and  testify  in 
the  case.  But  the  witnesses  did  not  appear. 

Two  hours  later  a  messenger  from  the  village  stated  the 
witnesses  were  indisposed  from  the  excitement  of  the  night 
previous  and  would  not  be  over  until  later  in  the  afternoon,  i 
At  4  o’clock  we  observed  a  party  headed  by  this  identical  flag- 
hearer.  Not  speaking  English,  he  addressed  himself  to  Mr.  I 
Osorno,  stating  that  he  had  been  summoned  as  a  witness. 

The  Commission  Regulations  prescribe  that  the  witnesses  ■ 
shall  be  sworn  hv  the  Commissioner  representing  the  country  | 
of  which  the  witness  is  a  citizen.  Asked  to  state  his  country, 
the  flag-bearer  said  he  was  a  Mexican  citizen.  Mr.  Osorno 
looked  astonished. 

“Then,  you  a  Mexican  citizen?”  he  asked. 

“Yes,  sir,”  answered  Sancho  Panza. 

“Did  not  I  see  you  at  Havana  in  Texas,  yesterday,  carrying 
an  American  flag?” 

“Oh,  yes,  sir.” 

“How  does  it  come  that  you  would  carry  an  American  flag 
in  Texas  if  you  are  a  Mexican  citizen?” 


“Oh,  it  was  election  time.” 


BOUNDARY  COMMISSION 


281 


“Election  time,”  said  Mr.  Osorno;  “what  have  you  to  do  with 
elections  in  Texas?” 

“Oh,  we  all  go  over  there  for  elections!” 

Understanding  the  habits  of  the  frontier  people  better  than 
Mr.  Osorno,  I  suggested  asking  if  he  had  voted.  Rather  re¬ 
luctantly  Mr.  Osorno  said: 

“Did  you  vote  in  Texas?” 

“Oh,  yes,  sir.” 

“Well,  how  can  you  be  a  Mexican  citizen  if  you  vote  in 
Texas?” 

“Oh,”  said  Sancho,  “if  you  don’t  believe  I  am  a  Mexican 
citizen  I  will  show  you  a  certificate  of  my  consul!”  pulling  out 
a  paper  signed  by  the  Mexican  Secretary  of  the  Boundary 
Commission,  formerly  Mexican  Consul  at  Brownsville,  certify¬ 
ing  he  was  a  Mexican  citizen. 

Though  Mr.  Osorno  was  a  lawyer  and  well  versed  in  inter¬ 
national  law  and  custom,  he  was  much  perplexed  but  finally 
administered  the  oath.  During  the  course  of  the  examination 
of  the  other  nine  witnesses  examined  we  found  six  claimed 
to  be  Mexican  citizens  though  admitting  they  had  voted  in 
Texas  the  day  before,  which  explained  the  fact  that  although 
the  registered  voters  in  that  county  numbered  hut  650,  the 
Democratic  majority  footed  up  over  1,200! 

The  population  along  this  part  of  the  river,  on  both  sides, 
speak  Spanish  almost  exclusively,  and  their  habits,  sympa¬ 
thies,  and  general  characteristics  are  entirely  Mexican.  The 
people  are  the  poorest  and  least  progressive  of  any  I  have 
ever  seen,  except  the  North  American  Indians.  The  extreme 
drought  for  the  seven  preceding  years  had  made  them  poorer 
than  for  generations,  and  their  numbers  were  less  than  for 
the  past  hundred  years.  Most  of  our  witnesses  were  unable 
to  tell  their  ages,  or  where  they  had  lived  during  particular 
years.  Most  claimed  citizenship  in  Mexico,  but  voting  rights 
in  the  United  States. 

The  jurisdiction  of  the  Commission  included  a  great  variety 
of  cases  involving  questions  as  to  location  of  the  boundary 


282 


THIRD  PERIOD 


lines  as  affected  by  changes  in  the  channel  of  the  river,  “elimi¬ 
nation”  of  the  bancos,  unduly  projecting  jetties  or  other  ob¬ 
structions  in  the  channel  of  the  Rio  Grande,  marking  of  inter¬ 
national  bridges,  question  of  artificial  cut-offs  in  the  rivei 
channel,  etc.,  etc. 

The  nature  of  the  Commission’s  work  can  perhaps  best  be 
explained  by  treating  two  important  and  typical  cases  in  some 
detail. 

The  Horcon  Ranch  case  grew  out  of  an  artificial  cut-off  of 
the  river  channel.  The  Rio  Grande  at  the  Horcon  Ranch  near 
Brownsville,  Texas,  formed  two  loops.  (Cut,  284.) 

The  natural  course  of  the  water  appeared  to  be  about  to 
form  a  cut-off  at  A,  whereby  the  upper  loop  would  have  been 
eliminated.  The  result  would  have  been  to  deprive  the  Amer¬ 
ican  riparian  proprietors  on  the  upper  loop  of  the  water  they  i 
had  theretofore  enjoyed  for  irrigation. 

Among  these  was  the  American  Rio  Grande  Land  and  Irri-  ' 
gation  Company,  which  had  a  large  pumping  station  at  B,  on 
the  upper  loop.  To  counteract  the  threatened  danger  the 
American  proprietors,  after  vainly  striving  for  months  to  pre-  i 
vent  the  cut-off  at  A  by  defensive  works,  dug  an  artificial 
channel  at  C,  across  the  neck  of  the  lower  loop,  straightening 
the  river,  relieving  the  pressure  at  A  and  averting  the  threat-  ; 
ened  disaster  to  the  company’s  pumping  station.  This  de-  i 
prived  Mexican  riparian  proprietors,  on  the  lower  loop,  of  the 
water  they  had  been  accustomed  to  use  and  to  which  they 
were  entitled.  The  boundary  treaties  expressly  forbid  such 
artificial  cut-offs  and  provide  that  they  shall  not  affect  the 
international  boundary. 

The  Mexican  Government  brought  the  case  to  the  Commis¬ 
sion,  which  promptly  held  the  cut-off  a  clear  violation  of  the 
treaty.  Not  feeling  clear  as  to  its  power  to  take  the  necessary 
remedial  measures,  the  Commission  reported  its  findings  to 
the  two  governments  and  asked  for  instructions.  The  Amer¬ 
ican  State  Department  approved  the  findings,  but  thought  the 
Commission  had  fully  discharged  its  duty,  and  that  subse- 


BOUNDARY  COMMISSION 


283 


[juent  proceedings  should  be  taken  in  the  ordinary  courts.  It 
asked  the  Department  of  Justice  for  an  opinion.  The  Attor¬ 
ney  General  concurred  in  these  views  and  at  the  instance  of 
the  State  Department  brought  a  suit  in  equity  in  the  name  of 
the  United  States  against  the  American  Rio  Grande  Land  and 
Irrigation  Company,  asking  a  mandatory  injunction  to  compel 
the  defendant  company  to  restore  the  river  to  its  original 
channel,  or,  as  an  alternative,  for  the  conveyance  of  land  in 
the  upper  loop  owned  by  the  company  to  the  Mexican  riparian 
proprietors  so  they  might  have  a  river  frontage,  together  with 
the  payment  of  compensatory  damages  to  these  proprietors 
and  both  compensatory  and  punitive  damages  to  the  United 
States. 

The  President  of  the  American  Rio  Grande  Land  and  Irri¬ 
gation  Company,  Mr.  Edward  C.  Eliot,  of  St.  Louis,  and  its 
general  counsel,  Mr.  Duvall  West,  now  a  Federal  District 
Judge,  were  men  of  the  highest  type.  When  the  matter  was 
brought  to  their  attention  they  recognized  the  correctness  of 
the  position  of  the  government.  Ry  agreement  between  the 
representatives  of  the  Government  and  these  gentlemen,  the 
company  admitted  the  cause  of  action  and  the  truth  of  the 
material  allegations  in  the  government’s  bill,  and  submitted 
to  the  alternative  relief  prayed.  An  order  was  accordingly 
entered  by  the  court  which  not  only  adjusted  the  matter  to 
the  satisfaction  of  the  Mexican  Government  and  the  Mexican 
citizens  interested,  but  brought  home  to  the  people  of  both 
countries  along  the  river  the  intention  and  power  of  the  two 
governments  to  live  up  to  their  treaty  obligations.  (For  full 
particulars  see  the  pamphlet  published  by  the  Boundary  Com¬ 
mission,  which  gives  all  the  important  papers  in  the  case, 
including  the  proceedings  both  before  the  Boundary  Commis¬ 
sion  and  before  the  Federal  court.) 

Further  to  illustrate  the  work  of  the  Commission,  I  call 
attention  to  Chamizal  case  at  El  Paso,  Texas.  The  Chamizal 
tract  is  a  body  of  land  of  some  600  acres  south  of  the  channel 
of  the  Rio  Grande  as  it  ran  when  surveved  bv  Emorv  and 


284 


HorcoiQ 


HoRCOrJ 


286 


287 


*K.  (Text,  279.) 


288 


THIRD  PERIOD 


Salazar  in  1853  and  north  of  the  present  river  channel.  Ir 
1894  the  Chamizal  case  was  referred  by  the  Mexican  Foreign  »! 
Office  to  the  Commission  on  the  complaint  of  one  Garcia,  a  gii 
Mexican  citizen,  who  claimed  to  own  land  in  the  Chamizal 
tract  which  had  been  cut  off  from  his  holdings  on  the  Mexican  i 
side  by  the  change  in  the  course  of  the  river. 

The  question  at  issue,  under  the  provisions  of  the  boundary  I 
treaties,  as  formulated  by  the  American  Commissioner  and 
accepted  by  the  Mexican  Commissioner  at  the  session  of  the 
Commission  on  November  6,  1895,  was  “whether  or  not  the 
river  in  its  passage  moved  over  the  land  by  gradual  erosion 
from  the  Mexican  bank  and  deposited  on  the  United  States 
bank,  as  described  in  Article  I  of  the  treaty  of  1884,  or  by  < 
sudden  avulsion,  by  cutting  a  new  bed  or  deepening  another 
channel  than  that  which  marked  the  boundary.” 

The  case  was  tried  at  El  Paso  by  Commissioner  Osorno  and 
myself;  Messrs.  Maillefert  and  Happer  being  the  secretaries 
of  the  Commission,  and  Messrs.  Corella  and  Dabney  consult¬ 
ing  engineers.  We  limited  the  witnesses  to  four  of  the  most  \ 
trustworthy  of  the  older  inhabitants  on  each  side.  Their  tes¬ 
timony  showed  there  was  no  basis  for  any  claim  that  there 
had  been  any  avulsion  or  cutting  of  a  new  bed.  The  change 
in  the  channel  was  clearly  erosive,  although  at  certain  or 
rather  “uncertain”  times  and  places  during  floods  the  erosion 
had  been  much  more  rapid  than  others,  and  had  been  visible 
to  the  naked  eye,  since  as  the  lower  substratum  of  sand  was 
washed  out,  the  upper  layer  of  clay  along  the  concave  or 
Mexican  bank  would  cave  in,  sometimes  in  considerable 
chunks.  The  building  up  of  the  convex  or  American  shore, 
however,  had  always  been  imperceptibly  gradual. 

The  Mexican  Commissioner  reduced  his  argument  to  the 
following  syllogism: 

“Major  proposition:  Any  change  other  than  slow  and 
gradual  does  not  alter  the  boundary  line  (Article  I  of  the  Con¬ 
vention  of  November  12,  1884). 

“Minor  proposition :  Since  the  change  of  the  river  in  the 


BOUNDARY  COMMISSION 


289 


:ase  denominated  ‘El  Chamizal’  was  not  slow  and  gradual, 
put,  on  the  contrary,  violent  and  at  periods  of  time  of  unequal 
ntermissions  (which  has  been  fully  demonstrated  above). 

“Conclusion:  Thence,  the  change  of  the  river  at  the  lands 
pf  ‘El  Chamizal’  does  not  alter  the  boundary  line  marked  in 
[852  by  the  International  Boundary  Commission  (Article  II 
pf  the  Convention  of  1884).” 

I  held  that  the  treaty  “clearly  specifies  but  two  classes  of 
changes  in  the  river,”  namely,  erosive  and  avulsive,  and  that 
‘any  other  unspecified  change,  as  is  implied  in  the  major 
proposition  of  the  syllogism  of  the  Mexican  Commissioner,  we 
pave  no  authority  to  consider,  but  that  our  respective  conclu¬ 
sions  must  be  in  favor  of  one  or  the  other,  as  specifically 
stated  in  the  treaty.” 

I  furthermore  held  that: 

“The  syllogism  of  the  Mexican  Commissioner  must  be  re- 
ected,  not  only  because  its  minor  proposition  is  not  proven, 
put  because  it  is  abundantly  disproven  by  ever}7  witness  who 
estified  in  the  case  save  Serna.” 

I  further  pointed  out  that  in  my  opinion : 

“*  *  *  If  the  change  at  El  Chamizal  has  not  been  ‘slow 

ind  gradual’  by  erosion  and  deposit  within  the  meaning  of 
Article  I  of  the  treaty  of  1884,  there  will  never  be  such  a  one 
ound  in  all  the  800  miles  where  the  Rio  Grande,  with  alluvial 
>anks,  constitutes  the  boundary,  and  the  object  of  the  treaty 
vill  be  lost  to  both  governments,  as  it  will  be  meaningless  and 
iseless,  and  the  boundary  will  perforce  be  through  all  these 
;00  miles  continuously  that  laid  down  in  1852,  having  literally 
io  points  in  common  with  the  present  river  save  in  its  many 
mndred  intersections  with  the  river,  and  to  restore  and  estab- 
ish  this  boundary  will  be  the  incessant  work  of  large  parties 
or  years,  entailing  hundreds  of  thousands  of  dollars  in  ex- 
>ense  to  each  government  and  uniformly  dividing  the  lands 
•etween  the  nations  and  individual  owners,  that  are  now, 
inder  the  suppositions  that  for  the  past  forty  years  the  changes 
lave  been  gradual,  and  the  river  accepted  generally  as  the 


290 


THIRD  PERIOD 


boundary,  under  the  same  authority  and  ownership;  for  i 
must  be  remembered  that  the  river  in  the  alluvial  lands,  whicl 
constitutes  800  miles,  has  nowhere  today  the  same  location  i 
had  in  1853.” 

Commissioner  Osorno  and  I  disagreed  on  the  proper  con 
struction  of  the  words  “slow  and  gradual,  erosion  and  deposi 
of  alluvium”  rather  than  on  matters  of  fact.  No  decision  couh  i 
be  rendered  and  the  disagreement  was  reported  to  our  govern  ( 
ments,  where  the  matter  remained  in  a  diplomatic  state  unti  i 

1910,  when  it  was  again  referred  to  the  Commission,  enlarge!  i 
for  this  case  only  by  the  appointment  of  a  (presiding)  com 
missioner,  a  Canadian  jurist,  to  be  selected  by  the  two  govern  ! 
ments.  The  case  was  again  brought  to  trial  in  El  Paso  ii 

1911,  with  the  Commission  constituted  as  follows: 

Hon.  Eugene  Lafleur,  of  Montreal,  Canada,  Presiding  Com  < 
missioner. 

On  the  part  of  Mexico —  I 

F.  Beltran  y  Puga,  Commissioner. 

E.  Zayas,  Consulting  Engineer. 

M.  M.  Velarde,  Secretary. 

On  the  part  of  the  United  States — 

Anson  Mills,  Commissioner. 

W.  W.  Follett,  Consulting  Engineer. 

Wilbur  Keblinger,  Secretary. 

The  two  governments  were  represented  as  follows: 

On  the  part  of  Mexico — 

Senor  Joaquin  de  Casasus,  Agent. 

W.  J.  White,  K.  C.,  of  Montreal,  Canada,  Counsel. 

Seymour  Thurmond,  of  El  Paso,  Associate  Counsel. 

On  the  part  of  the  United  States — 

William  C.  Dennis,  Agent. 

Walter  B.  Grant,  of  Boston,  Mass.,  Counsel. 

Richard  F.  Burges,  of  El  Paso,  Associate  Counsel. 

In  the  second  trial,  Mexico  advanced  a  wholly  differen1 
theory  from  that  developed  in  the  diplomatic  discussions  be¬ 
tween  the  first  and  second  trials.  Mexico  now  maintained  thal 
the  boundary  treaties  of  1848  and  1853  had  laid  down  a  “fixec 


291 


292 


BOUNDARY  COMMISSION 


293 


ine”  between  the  two  countries  in  the  centers  of  the  channel 
)f  the  river  as  surveyed  at  that  time  by  Commissioners  Emory 
ind  Salazar,  which  boundary  line  remained  immutable  irre- 
ipective  of  any  subsequent  change  in  the  course  of  the  river, 
vhether  erosive  or  avulsive,  until  this  was  changed  for  the 
uture  by  the  treaty  of  1884.  Mexico  contended  this  latter 
reaty  was  not  retroactive  but  applied  only  to  river  changes 
aking  place  after  1884. 

Driven  to  concede  that  in  this  view  the  treaty  of  1884  had 
eally  no  meaning,  Mexico  insisted  the  two  governments  were 
inder  a  misapprehension  when  this  treaty  was  negotiated, 
hat  it  was  inoperative  and  that  the  general  rules  of  interna- 
ional  law  governing  river  boundaries  had  no  application 
because  the  Rio  Grande  was  in  a  technically  legal  sense  not  a 
iver  at  all,  but  merely  an  intermittent  torrential  stream. 

The  United  States  denied  that  the  boundary  treaties  of  1848 
land  1853  established  a  fixed  line,  and  contended  the  treaty  of 
884  was  retroactive  in  any  event,  and  applied  to  the  Chamizal 
lispute,  and  that  this  treaty  was  merely  declaratory  of  the 
general  rule  of  international  law.  Furthermore,  the  United 
dates  claimed  the  Chamizal  tract  by  prescription. 

The  case  was  argued  during  sessions  of  the  Commission 
xtending  over  a  month.  The  presiding  Commissioner,  Mr. 

E.afleur,  rendered  an  opinion  holding  squarely  against  the 
lexican  contentions  with  respect  to  a  fixed  line  and  the  non- 
etroactivity  and  non-applicability  of  the  treaty  of  1884.  His 
liscussion  of  these  subjects  is  detailed  and  masterly.  After 
olding  against  the  American  claim  based  on  prescription,  he 
ppeared  to  assume  that  the  treaty  of  1884  contemplated  some 
?rtium  quid  aside  from  erosion  and  avulsion,  which  might 
erhaps  be  called  “violent”  erosion  and  which  had  the  same 
fleet  as  an  avulsive  change,  namely,  to  leave  the  boundary 
ne  in  the  abandoned  bed  of  the  river.  Applying  this  latter 
octrine  he  found  the  erosion  at  the  Chamizal  tract  from  1852 
)  1864  had  been  gradual  within  the  meaning  of  the  treaty  of 
884,  and  therefore  the  boundary  during  this  period  had  fol- 


294 


THIRD  PERIOD 


lowed  the  river,  but  that  the  floods  of  1863  brought  about  ; 
violent  erosion,  whereby  the  boundary  line  was  left  in  th< 
middle  of  the  bed  of  the  river  “as  it  existed  before  the  flooi 
of  1863.”  He  therefore  awarded  that  portion  of  the  trac 
between  the  channel  of  1852  and  the  channel  of  1864  befon 
the  flood,  to  the  United  States,  and  the  remainder  to  Mexico 
The  Mexican  Commissioner  filed  a  separate  opinion  dissent 
ing  from  that  part  of  Mr.  Lafleur’s  opinion  relating  to  thi 
fixed  line  and  the  retroactivity  and  applicability  of  the  treat; 
of  1884.  Overruled  on  these  points,  Mr.  Puga  felt  himsel 
justified  in  joining  with  the  Presiding  Commissioner  in  con 
struing  the  treaty  of  1884  and  therefore  united  in  the  awar< 
dividing  the  Chamizal  tract  between  the  two  countries  alonj 
the  line  of  the  river  bed  as  it  existed  before  the  flood  of  1864 
I  filed  an  opinion  dissenting  from  that  portion  of  the  Pre 
siding  Commissioner’s  opinion  construing  the  treaty  of  1884 
I  held  the  Commission  was  not  empowered  by  the  two  govern 
ments  to  divide  the  Chamizal  tract  but  was  called  upon  t< 
render  a  clean-cut  decision  in  favor  of  one  or  the  other  govern 
ment.  I  recorded  my  conviction  that  it  would  be  “as  impos 
sible  to  locate  the  channel  of  the  Rio  Grande  in  the  Chamiza 
tract  in  1864  as  to  re-locate  the  Garden  of  Eden  or  the  los 
continent  of  Atlantis.”  And  finally  I  pointed  out,  as  I  had  ii 
1896,  the  impossible  situation  which  would  arise  if  any  attemp  : 
were  made  to  apply  the  principles  of  the  majority  opinion  ii 
other  cases,  concluding  as  follows: 

“The  American  Commissioner  does  not  believe  that  it  i: 
given  to  human  understanding  to  measure  for  any  practica 
use  when  erosion  ceases  to  be  slow  and  gradual  and  become:  t 
sudden  and  violent,  but  if  this  difficulty  could  be  surmounted 
the  practical  application  of  the  interpretation  could  not  bi 
viewed  in  any  other  light  than  as  calamitous  to  both  nations 
Because,  as  is  manifest  from  the  record  in  this  case,  all  th( 
land  on  both  sides  of  the  river  from  the  Bosque  de  Cordoba  | 
which  adjoins  the  Chamizal  tract,  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  (ex 
cepting  the  canyon  region),  has  been  traversed  by  the  rivei 


BOUNDARY  COMMISSION 


295 


since  1852  in  its  unending  lateral  movement,  and  the  mass,  if 
lot  all  of  that  land,  is  the  product  of  similar  erosion  to  that 
vhich  occurred  at  El  Chamizal,  and  by  the  new  interpreta- 
ion  which  is  now  placed  upon  the  Convention  of  1884  by  the 
najority  of  this  Commission,  not  only  is  the  entire  boundary 
hrown  into  well-nigh  inextricable  confusion,  but  the  very 
reaty  itself  is  subjected  to  an  interpretation  that  makes  its 
ipplication  impossible  in  practice  in  all  cases  where  an  erosive 
novement  is  in  question. 

“The  Convention  of  1910  sets  forth  that  the  United  States 
ind  Mexico,  ‘desiring  to  terminate  *  *  *  the  differences 

vhich  have  arisen  between  the  two  countries,’  have  deter- 
nined  to  refer  these  differences  to  this  Commission  enlarged 
or  this  purpose.  The  present  decision  terminates  nothing; 
jetties  nothing.  It  is  simply  an  invitation  for  international 
itigation.  It  breathes  the  spirit  of  unconscious  but  neverthe- 
ess  unauthorized  compromise  rather  than  of  judicial  deter- 
nination.” 

Of  course,  I  dissented  from  the  award.  When  the  award 
ind  the  opinions  of  the  three  Commissioners  were  presented 
it  the  final  session  of  the  Commission,  the  United  States  agent 
nade  a  formal  protest  on  substantially  the  same  grounds  I 
lad  taken.  My  dissenting  opinion  and  the  protest  of  the 
American  agent  wTere  sustained  by  the  Department  of  State 
ind  the  United  States  has  declined  to  admit  the  validity  of 
he  aw^ard.  The  whole  matter  has  therefore  become  the  sub- 
ect  of  diplomatic  negotiations,  which  it  is  believed  are  pro¬ 
cessing  satisfactorily. 

It  is  as  much  to  the  interest  of  Mexico  as  of  the  United  States 
o  reach  an  arrangement  whereby  the  Chamizal  tract  divided 
rom  Mexico  by  the  channel  of  the  Rio  Grande  as  it  now 
uns,  shall  be  definitively  admitted  to  be  American  territory, 
tecause  it  forms  an  integral  part  of  El  Paso,  upon  which 
housands  of  citizens  have  their  homes. 

During  my  service  as  Commissioner,  Mexico  was  represented 
»y  four  Commissioners:  Mr.  Canalizo,  whose  death  has 


296 


THIRD  PERIOD 


already  been  noted;  Mr.  Osorno,  who  participated  in  the  firs 
trial  of  the  Chamizal  case,  and  who  subsequently  resigned 
Mr.  Jacobo  Blanco,  who  died  after  serving  seven  years,  am 
Mr.  Fernando  Beltran  y  Puga,  who  sat  at  the  second  trial  o 
the  Chamizal  case  and  remained  with  the  Commission  unti 
our  activity  was  suspended  and  he  removed  from  office  by  th< 
Madero  government,  leaving  me  the  sole  survivor  of  the  foui 
Mexican  Commissioners. 

These  gentlemen  were  all  equal  in  legal  and  judicial  attain 
ments  to  similar  officials  of  our  own  government.  They  sough 
always  to  attain  righteous  decisions,  and  I  think  succeeded  ii 
the  many  cases  that  came  before  us. 

Of  my  associates  on  the  American  section  of  the  Commis 
sion,  Messrs.  J.  A.  Happer  and  Wilbur  Keblinger,  Secretaries 
and  P.  D.  Cunningham  and  W.  W.  Follett,  Consulting  Engi 
neers,  deserve  special  mention.  Mr.  Cunningham  unfortu 
nately  lost  his  life  in  the  service  of  the  Commission  througl 
the  overturning  of  his  boat  in  the  rapids  of  the  Rio  Grand* 
near  Eagle  Pass  in  July,  1901.  Messrs.  Happer,  Keblinger  anc 
Follett  rendered  invaluable  service  during  many  years,  Mr 
Follett  in  spite  of  a  painful  illness  which  would  have  inca 
pacitated  most  men  for  work.  Mr.  Happer  resigned  to  go  intc 
business  in  El  Paso,  where  he  has  become  a  leading  citizen 
Mr.  Follett  died  shortly  after  retiring  from  the  Commission 
Mr.  Keblinger  is  serving  with  distinction  as  United  States 
Consul  at  Malta. 

Our  proceedings  were  published  in  both  languages,  and  the! 
evidence,  maps,  plans  and  monuments  were  explained  not  onh 
in  scientific  but  in  popular  language,  so  that  officials,  sur¬ 
veyors,  lawyers  and  judges  of  each  country  could  readily  unJ 
derstand  the  location  of  the  boundarj'.  (See  Volumes  1  and  2 
Proceedings  Boundary  Commission,  Treaties  of  1884  and  1889 
and  Equitable  Distribution  of  the  Waters  of  the  Rio  Grande 
Roma  to  the  Gulf,  reports  and  maps,  and  many  other  reports 
on  the  same  subject.) 

I  have  presented  copies  of  all  my  printed  reports  and  maps 


BOUNDARY  COMMISSION 


297 


md  all  proceedings  published  by  both  governments  with 
espect  to  the  Chamizal  Arbitration,  to  the  El  Paso  Carnegie 
library,  together  with  many  reports  and  maps  of  the  Barlow 
Commission  and  the  Emory  Survey,  with  the  understanding 
hat  they  will  be  kept  as  reference  books  subject  to  the  exami- 
tation  of  all  interested. 

During  the  sixteen  years  of  our  active  service  (the  revolu- 
ion  in  Mexico  in  1911  having  put  an  end  to  our  activities), 
he  Commission  tried  over  one  hundred  cases  of  all  kinds, 
lisagreeing  only  in  the  Chamizal  case,  and  preserved  the  peace 
nd  quiet  of  the  entire  Rio  Grande  border  for  these  long  years 
o  the  satisfaction  of  both  governments  and  the  people  of  the 
wo  nations. 

Late  Saturday  afternoon,  January  31,  1914,  without  any 
revious  warning,  I  received  by  messenger  a  letter  from  Mr. 
•ryan,  the  Secretary  of  State,  peremptorily  dismissing  Mr, 
Vilbur  Keblinger,  the  Secretary  of  the  American  Section  of 
le  Commission,  and  appointing  as  his  successor  John  Wesley 
raines,  a  discarded  member  of  Congress,  the  bare  mention  of 
diose  name  to  his  former  colleagues  proved  “a  source  of 
inocent  merriment.” 

Mr.  Gaines  presented  his  appointment  as  secretary  to  me  on 
londay  morning,  stating  he  had  been  appointed  associate 
iexican  boundary  commissioner  with  me,  and  that  he  had 
een  directed  by  Mr.  Bryan  to  act  as  chairman. 

He  suggested  I  turn  my  books  over  to  him,  after  the  manner 
{  a  policeman  who  seizes  a  suspected  culprit  in  the  hope  of 
tiding  stolen  goods  in  his  possession. 

I  informed  Mr.  Gaines  that,  while  I  recognized  the  legality 
:  his  appointment  as  secretary,  I  had  theretofore  been 
lowed  to  choose  the  American  secretary  of  the  Commission, 
s  I  had  not  asked  for  him,  I  told  him  he  could  go  home  and 
would  send  for  him  when  I  wanted  him  in  that  capacity.  I 
ould  not  acknowledge  him  as  an  associate  commissioner,  as 
was  the  only  commissioner  authorized  by  treaty,  and  told  him 
i  could  inform  the  Secretary  of  State  I  would  have  nothing 


298 


THIRD  PERIOD 


to  do  with  him  in  that  connection  or  his  attempted  authorit 
over  me  as  chairman. 

Mr.  Keblinger  and  I  had  already  been  summoned  to  appea 
before  the  Foreign  Affairs  Committee  of  the  House  at  ten  a.n 
that  dajr.  1  telephoned  the  Secretary  of  State  for  permissio 
to  take  Mr.  Keblinger  with  me  as  the  official  secretary.  Mi 
Bryan  sent  for  me  (it  was  the  first  time  I  ever  saw  him)  an 
stated  that  there  was  no  objection  to  my  taking  Mr.  Iveblinge 
as  an  individual,  but  I  could  not  take  him  in  an  officis 
capacity.  I  protested  he  had  always  appeared  with  me  an 
greatly  assisted  me  in  my  explanations  to  the  committee;  h 
was  an  honorable  man  and  I  felt  the  Secretary  could  not  b 
aware  of  the  great  injustice  he  had  done  him.  I  told  Mi 
Bryan  that  Keblinger  was  too  proud  to  appear  voluntaril 
while  under  such  unjust  humiliation. 

Finally  the  Secretary  announced  he  might  go  with  me  ten 
porarily  in  an  official  capacity.  He  turned  upon  me,  and,  “b 
questions  dark  and  riddles  high,”  charged  me  with  prostitui 
ing  my  high  public  trust  for  purposes  of  private  gain. 

I  told  him  I  had  served  my  government  for  fifty  years  as  a 
army  officer  and  in  various  capacities  and  in  different  depari 
ments  of  the  government,  and  under  eight  of  his  successiv 
predecessors  in  office — Secretaries  Bayard,  Gresham,  Olne; 
Sherman,  Day,  Hay,  Bacon  and  Knox — without  ever  receh 
ing  from  any  one  such  language,  and  that  I  would  not  subm 
without  resenting  it.  I  invited  him  to  put  his  best  sleuths  o 
my  trail.  While  I  was  anxious  to  separate  myself  from  off 
cial  connection  with  him,  I  had  been  taught  in  the  army  :  i 
was  not  honorable  to  resign  under  charges.  I  told  him  [ 
would  not  resign  until  he  was  able  to  state  that  his  investig£ 
tion  found  nothing  wrong  in  my  twenty  years’  administrate  , 
under  the  State  Department.  I  did  not  believe  he  could  indue 
the  President  to  dismiss  me,  and  I  told  him  I  believed  he  ha 
been  deceived  by  such  men  as  Dr.  Boyd,  who,  during  the  ac 
ministration  of  nearly  all  of  his  eight  immediate  predecessor 
had  persistently  made  charges  against  me  verbally,  in  writin 


BOUNDARY  COMMISSION 


299 


and  in  published  pamphlets.  None  of  the  Secretaries  under 
whom  I  had  served  had  thought  it  worth  while  even  to  notify 
me  officially  of  these  charges.  I  only  learned  about  them  in 
detail  during  the  latter  part  of  Secretary  Knox’s  administra¬ 
tion,  when  I  found  Dr.  Boyd  had  several  times  been  inves¬ 
tigated  by  competent  officers  of  the  Department.  Chief  Wilkie, 
of  the  Secret  Service,  had  reported  him  a  dangerous  man, 
when  he  had  threatened  in  writing  to  horsewhip  Secretary 
Hay.  Thereafter  he  was  denied  the  privilege  of  personal  con¬ 
ferences  with  the  Department. 

Notwithstanding  these  explanations,  Mr.  Bryan  appeared 
before  the  Foreign  Affairs  Committee,  with  Mr.  Gaines,  on  the 
5th.  After  a  two  days’  hearing,  in  which  I  was  questioned  and 
cross-questioned  regarding  all  my  transactions  for  twenty 
years  as  Commissioner,  my  hearing  closed  with  the  following, 
which  is  quoted  from  the  official  report  of  the  hearing: 

“Gen.  Mills:  Mr.  Chairman,  l  crave  about  three  minutes,  in 
which  l  hope  to  clarify  this  whole  subject. 

“I  have  met  you  here  for  the  last  twenty  years.  1  have  met 
ilso  the  committee  in  the  Senate.  And  I  have  always  been 
Seated  with  such  courteous  consideration  by  the  Department 
of  State  that  I  was  encouraged  to  believe  that  my  work  was 
satisfactory,  and  it  was  desired  that  /  should  continue,  espe- 
:ially  so  as  after  about  sixteen  years’  service  I  was  selected 
without  solicitation  by  the  Department  as  a  member  of  a  high 
Commission  to  arbitrate  the  Chamizal  case,  and  also  that  my 
dissenting  opinion  from  a  majority  of  the  judges  in  that  case 
was  approved  by  the  Department  and  by  the  President  in  his 
wessage,  and  1  believe  it  is  still  maintained  by  the  Department 
lhat  kept  me  here.  Had  I  considered  my  own  personal  con¬ 
venience  1  would  have  resigned  long  ago.  For  obvious  reasons 
1  intend  now  to  separate  myself,  if  1  can  do  so  with  honor, 
Worn  this  commission,  and  shall  not  have  the  personal  pleasure 
)f  meeting  you  again.  I  thank  you  very  kindly  personally, 
md  as  I  can  not  anticipate  or  hope  to  meet  you  again  officially, 

'  bid  you  adieu. 


300 


THIRD  PERIOD 


ill; 


■or 


“ The  Chairman:  Gen.  Mills,  I  want  to  say  for  the  committee 
that  nothing  has  been  done  or  said  by  the  committee  to  tend 
to  reflect  upon  either  the  character  of  your  work  or  your  inten¬ 
tions  in  disbursing  the  funds  in  your  hands. 

“Gen.  Mills:  I  appreciate  that,  sir. 

“The  Chairman:  We  all  realize  that  you  have  done  a  valu¬ 
able  work  down  there,  and  you  have  done  it  splendidly,  but 
certain  matters  developed  here  that  we  were  not  aware  of,  and 
that  you  had  been  led  into  by  the  State  Department,  and  we 
thought  it  our  duty  to  investigate  them  and  right  them,  and 
no  reflection  was  intended  upon  you  or  Mr.  Keblinger. 

“Gen.  Mills:  Mr.  Chairman,  1  want  to  say  to  one  and  all  o / 
you  that  I  have  been  treated  with  the  utmost  fairness  in  all 
of  my  intercourse.  My  troubles  are  not  here,  but  in  another 
direction."  (See  printed  report  of  the  committee,  containing 
sixty-five  pages.) 

Notwithstanding  this  absolute  acquittal  by  an  American  jury 
— there  were  twelve  members  of  the  committee  present,  all 
intensely  interested — Dr.  Boyd’s  old  charges,  rehabilitated  by 
Mr.  Bryan's  apparent  support,  led  Senator  Thomas,  of  Colo¬ 
rado,  to  deliver  a  twro  days’  speech  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate. 
(See  Congressional  Becord  of  March  23  and  24,  pages  5984  to 
6006,  inclusive.)  He  mentioned  my  name  fifty-two  times,  in¬ 
cluding  such  references  as  “this  man  Mills,”  charging  me  with 
the  most  disgraceful  conduct  with  which  an  American  officer  i 
can  be  charged.  Called  to  my  attention  several  days  after  its 
delivery,  I  brought  it  to  Senator  Boot’s  notice,  asking  him  to 
confer  with  Senator  Thomas  and  see  if  an  amicable  adjust¬ 
ment  could  not  be  had  by  Senator  Root’s  explaining  I  had  ii 
served  under  him  while  he  was  Secretary  of  State,  and  could 
not  be  guilty  of  such  misconduct. 

Senator  Thomas  stated  he  had  his  information  from  reliable 
authority,  whereupon  Senator  Root  had  my  rejoinder  pub¬ 
lished  in  the  Congressional  Record.  (See  pages  13424  to  13426, 
inclusive,  of  the  Record  of  July  18,  1914.) 

Mr.  Thomas  replied  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate  (see  Record, 


BOUNDARY  COMMISSION 


301 


July  20,  pages  13479  to  13480,  inclusive),  admitting  he  obtained 
much  of  his  information  from  Dr.  Boyd.  He  added,  “My  in¬ 
formation  conies,  however,  from  the  State  Department  and, 
until  I  am  satisfied  of  its  incorrectness,  I  shall  insist  that  my 
statements  are  in  accord  with  the  facts.” 

I  asked  the  State  Department  what  their  records  showed 
upon  the  point  in  question.  The  matter  was  handled  in  the 
Department  by  the  Honorable  John  E.  Osborne,  Assistant  Sec¬ 
retary  of  State.  He  could  have  informed  himself  by  a  tele¬ 
phone  conversation  with  an  accounting  officer  of  the  Depart¬ 
ment.  But  he  referred  my  letter  to  Mr.  Gaines,  who  was 
absent.  Followed  delay,  evasion,  equivocation  and  confusion 
of  the  issue,  the  giving  of  unsought  information  about  matters 
not  in  dispute,  and  withholding  information  needed  for  my 
defense,  which  it  was  the  duty  of  the  Department  to  give. 

When  finally  cornered,  after  a  four  months’  correspondence, 
Mr.  Osborne  wrote  me  the  Department  did  not  know  the  source 
of  Senator  Thomas’  information.  Mr.  Osborne  may  have  de¬ 
ceived  himself  into  thinking  that  there  was  technical  justifi¬ 
cation  for  his  statements,  but  no  one  who  reads  the  correspon¬ 
dence  can  have  any  more  doubt  as  to  the  real  situation  than 
Senator  Thomas,  or  as  to  the  complicity  of  State  Department 
officials  in  Senator  Thomas’  attack  upon  me. 

When  I  sent  the  correspondence  to  the  Senator  he  wrote 
me  as  honorable  a  letter  of  apology  as  could  be  expected, 
doing  his  best  to  let  the  State  Department  down  easy,  presented 
all  the  correspondence  upon  the  floor  of  the  Senate  and  asked 
for  its  publication,  which  will  be  found  on  pages  272  to  275, 
inclusive,  of  the  Record  of  December  16,  1914. 

I  cheerfully  acquit  the  Senator  of  everything  except  bad 
judgment.  He  felt  justified  by  the  information  he  received 
from  officers  of  the  Department  to  which  he,  perhaps  not  un¬ 
naturally,  gave  a  credence  proportionate  to  their  official  status 
rather  than  to  their  actual  knowledge. 

Mr.  Bryan,  however,  has  never  offered  any  explanation.  I 


302 


THIRD  PERIOD 


am  reconciled  to  the  situation,  believing  he  could  write  me 
nothing  I  would  value  in  that  connection. 

The  President  accepted  my  resignation  on  June  24th,  to  take  1 
effect  July  1st,  on  the  conditions  I  stated,  that  the  Department 
had  found  no  evidence  of  neglect  or  wrong-doing  on  my  part. 

The  President  soon  restored  Mr.  Keblinger  to  official  favor. 
He  suspended  the  regulations  governing  the  Consular  Service 
by  executive  order,  in  order  to  appoint  this  man,  whom  Secre-  , 
tary  Bryan  had  summarily  dismissed  for  alleged  cause,  as 
United  States  Consul  at  Malta,  where  he  served  with  dis¬ 
tinction,  and  where  he  was  recently  promoted.  His  defamers,  i 
Bryan,  Osborne  and  Gaines,  have  returned,  voluntarily  or 
otherwise,  to  private  life,  while  the  Department  of  State  is 
once  more  in  the  hands  of  gentlemen  qualified  by  their  train-  : 
ing  and  ability  to  guide  the  foreign  affairs  of  a  great  nation. 


303 


Woman’s  Suffrage 

From  what  has  gone  before  readers  will  understand  that 
Nannie  and  I  were  always  fervent  advocates  of  woman’s  suf¬ 
frage  throughout  our  lives,  and,  as  far  as  we  could  with  respect 
to  the  popular  prejudices  of  the  day,  tried  to  advance  it. 

Because  of  my  diplomatic  service  under  Secretary  of  State 
Gresham,  the  president  of  Indiana  University,  Dr.  William 
Lowe  Bryan,  honored  me  with  an  invitation  to  the  commence¬ 
ment  of  1911,  and  showed  me  marked  courtesy.  My  friend, 
Norman  Walker,  of  El  Paso,  president  of  the  class  of  1906, 
accompanied  me  from  El  Paso  and  introduced  me  to  members 
of  the  various  classes. 

The  Indiana  University  is  coeducational;  of  the  975  students, 
231  were  young  women.  Diplomas  were  given  the  graduates  in 
the  open  air  in  a  large  sugar  tree  orchard  in  the  presence  of 
five  thousand  persons.  When  the  president  called  the  first 
name,  a  young  lady  in  graduating  garb  presented  herself. 
When  several  more  young  ladies  followed  1  asked  the  presi¬ 
dent  if  he  was  calling  women  first  out  of  courtesy  to  the  sex. 

1  “Oh,  no,”  he  said,  “they  are  honor  graduates.”  Of  the  five 
highest  graduates  three  were  women.  Asked  how  this  was 
accounted  for,  the  president  said,  “Because  they  are  the  best 
i  students.  No  one  should  suspect  any  partiality  is  shown  them 
by  their  instructors.  They  deserve  everything  given  them.” 
This  reinforced  me  in  my  lifelong  opinion  that  women,  if  given 
an  equal  chance,  were  the  equal  of  men  in  all  the  essentials 
of  life’s  successes.  I  could  but  think  how  my  mother  would 
have  felt  if  she  could  have  survived  to  witness  that  scene,  and 
when  I  returned  home  and  told  Nannie,  it  encouraged  her  to 
take  a  more  prominent  part  in  the  cause  of  woman’s  rights 
generally,  and  especially  woman’s  suffrage. 

In  February,  1913,  a  meeting  of  suffragists  was  held  in 
Washington.  Mrs.  Carrie  Chapman  Catt  was  our  guest,  and  a 
very  interesting,  well  informed  and  courageous  advocate  of 
her  cause  we  found  her,  as  well  as  a  most  charming  woman. 


304 


THIRD  PERIOD 


We  attended  several  of  their  meetings  in  Washington  and 
aided  them  materially.  The  association  decided  to  hold  a 
parade  March  3,  1913.  Nannie  and  I  were  members  of  the 
advisory  committee,  and  about  ten  days  before  the  date  set 
Miss  Paul,  who  had  charge  of  that  parade,  told  me  that  she  ; 
was  having  difficulty  in  getting  permission  to  march  on  the 
avenue.  As  I  was  personally  acquainted  with  Mr.  Rudolph, 
General  Johnston  and  Colonel  Judson,  the  District  Commis-  i 
sioners,  I  introduced  her  to  them.  They  treated  her  with  the  ' 
greatest  courtesy;  the  chairman,  Mr.  Rudolph,  both  encour¬ 
aged  her  and  expressed  his  sympathy  with  her  attempt  to  get  j 
permission  and  secure  protection  during  the  march,  as  did 
Colonel  Judson.  General  Johnston  was  a  little  luke-warm; 
reasonably  so,  however,  because  he  was  not  in  favor  of 
woman’s  suffrage.  Rut  they  did  not  grant  the  permission. 

General  Johnston  objected  to  the  selection  of  the  day  before 
the  Presidential  inauguration,  but  others  thought  if  permission 
was  to  he  granted  at  all,  it  was  better  to  have  the  two  parades  | 
as  near  together  as  possible. 

I  advised  Miss  Paul  to  ask  the  Secretary  of  War  for  military  1 
protection  from  Fort  Myer.  Judson  agreed,  and,  in  his  pres-  I 
ence,  Miss  Paul  made  the  application  through  the  District  j 
Commissioners  to  the  Secretary.  Later  she  showed  me  a  letter  I 
from  the  Secretary  of  War,  declining  to  furnish  the  escort.  I 
Although  the  committee  feared  the  parade  would  not  be  pro-  ] 
tected,  most  people  believed  the  police  would  not  so  disgrace 
themselves  as  to  fail  to  protect  them  from  insult  and  humilia¬ 
tion,  or  to  allow  their  parade  to  be  broken  up,  as  it  practically  I 
was.  Failing  to  get  the  permit  from  the  Commissioners,  Miss  j 
Paul  applied  to  Congress,  and  the  day  before  the  parade  Con¬ 
gress  authorized  it  and  made  an  appropriation  for  extra  police-  I 
men.  The  parade  was  organized  as  systematically,  as  bril¬ 
liantly  and  as  efficiently  as  any  parade  of  men  ever  held. 

I  believe  that  on  that  3d  day  of  March,  1913,  woman’s  suf-  I 
frage  won  its  fight.  Some  of  its  members  have  acted  foolishly 
since,  as  members  of  reform  movements  often  do,  but  the  day 


woman’s  suffrage 


305 


is  won,  and  nothing  but  absolute  reversion  to  barbarism  can 
prevent  women,  as  long  as  this  country  remains  a  republic, 
from  having  some  voice  in  its  government. 

We  both  marched  in  the  parade,  Nannie  with  the  home¬ 
makers.  Another  army  officer,  General  Charles  Morton, 
U.  S.  A.,  had  the  courage  to  march  with  his  wife  in  this  proces¬ 
sion,  as  did  a  few  Senators  and  members  of  the  House.  What 
happened  is  history.  As  it  is  fully  related  in  Hearings  Before 
Senate  Committee,  District  of  Columbia,  63d  Congress,  special 
session,  under  Senate  Resolution  499,  part  first,  wherein 
Nannie  and  I  each  testified,  pages  101  to  116,  inclusive,  I  will 
not  relate  it  here. 

But,  notwithstanding  the  insults  and  humiliation  heaped 
upon  these  brave  and  fearless  women  to  the  shame  of  many 
of  the  officials  of  the  government,  and  particularly  the  Wash¬ 
ington  police,  it  was  a  proud  day  for  women.  Probably  no 
marcher  has  ever  regretted  her  participation  in  that  parade, 
but  is  still  proud. 

Nannie  enjoyed  the  victory  to  the  utmost.  While  she  con¬ 
tinued  to  assist  the  society,  she  felt  that  the  day  of  battle  was 
past,  and  the  problem  would  work  out  by  the  common  sense 
of  the  men  and  women  of  this  country,  as  it  will. 


“Be  shame  to  him  of  woman  born, 

•  Who  hath  for  such  but  thought  of  scorn.” 

It  is  remarkable  that  up  to  this  time  no  candidate  for  Presi¬ 
dent  ever  admitted  any  sympathy  with  woman’s  suffrage. 
Since  that  date,  no  candidate  for  President  has  failed  boldly 
to  announce  (I  hope  sincerely)  that  he  was  whole-heartedly 
in  favor  of  woman’s  suffrage.  And  I  believe  that  in  the  future 
no  candidate  will  fail  to  make  this  declaration. 


Prohibition 


1 

Another  cause  in  which  Nannie  and  I  were  enthusiastic  was 
that  of  prohibition,  to  restrain  the  intemperate  use  of  intoxi¬ 
cants.  We  always  kept  liquor  in  the  house  and  often  offered  it 
to  guests,  but  we  early  learned  to  exclude  it  from  the  table  when 
very  young  officers  were  present,  because  such  an  example 
might  encourage  them  to  form  habits  which  they  later  would 
not  he  able  to  restrain.  Unfortunately,  Congress  and  the  War 
Department  authorized  the  canteen,  an  organization  formed 
by  the  officers  of  military  posts.  Originally  intended  to  dis¬ 
pense  only  such  articles  as  were  not  furnished  the  soldier  in 
the  ration,  clothing,  and  other  allowances,  it  gradually  came 
to  dispense  the  strongest  beverages,  sometimes  of  a  very  poor 
and  dangerous  quality.  Throughout  the  country,  especially  in 
States  having  anti-liquor  laws,  hostility  to  this  privilege 
awarded  to  the  army  grew  generally.  Strong  efforts  were 
made  to  have  Congress  prohibit  the  canteen  on  the  ground  that 
the  young  soldiers,  entering  to  buy  ordinary  supplies  would 
be  brought  into  the  presence  of  comrades  indulging  in  liquor 
and  thus  induced  to  participate. 

The  War  Department  ordered  that  the  selling  of  beverages  | 
should  be  conducted  in  a  separate  room  from  that  of  other  | 
goods.  This  rule,  however,  was  not  generally  obeyed.  Poli¬ 
ticians,  employed  by  the  liquor  interests  to  circumvent  the 
action  which  they  feared  Congress  would  take,  would  apply  to 
the  War  Department  to  send  circulars  to  officers  of  promi¬ 
nence  asking  his  opinion  as  to  whether  it  was  to  the  interest 
of  the  army  to  allow  the  sale  of  beverages.  The  liquor  in¬ 
terests  selected  copies  of  many  favorable  reports,  together 
with  a  few  of  those  that  mildly  objected,  and  published  them 
throughout  the  country,  carefully  suppressing  those  vigorously 
opposing  the  use  of  liquor  in  the  canteen.  The  canteen  con¬ 
tinued  authorized  for  many  years  after  the  best  judgment  of 
the  army  decided  against  it.  hut  Nannie  and  I  both  lived  to 


PROHIBITION 


307 


see  it  entirely  abolished,  to  the  great  joy  and  benefit  of  all 
save  the  conscienceless  purveyor. 

In  like  manner  the  highly  taxed  traffic  was  allowed  among 
the  people  long  after  public  sentiment  disapproved  of  it,  but 
thanks  to  the  intelligence  of  Americans  and  the  free  discus¬ 
sion  of  the  subject,  Nannie  and  I  lived  to  see  it  suppressed 
throughout  much  of  our  land.  That  it  will  soon  disappear 
entirely,  not  only  from  this  country,  but  from  the  whole  world, 
seems  assured. 


308 


Trip  to  Europe  With  General  Miles 

As  General  Miles  had  previously  invited  me  to  go  with  him 
to  Europe,  in  1906  I  accepted  an  invitation  to  accompany  him. 
We  sailed  on  “La  Provence”  for  France,  and  spent  some  two 
months  in  France,  Ireland,  Scotland,  England  and  Switzer- 

t 

land,  traveling  most  of  the  time  by  automobile. 

Mr.  Colgate  Hoyt,  of  New  York,  president  of  the  American 
Automobile  Society  and  brother-in-law  to  General  Miles,  with  I 
his  wife  and  daughters,  Elizabeth  and  Anna,  had  invited  us  to 
accompany  them  on  various  journeys  in  their  automobile,  and 

1  ■ 

we  found  them  very  enjoyable  traveling  companions. 

Our  most  interesting  sojourn  was  in  Dublin,  where  we  met  f 
the  genial,  strange,  though  interesting  race  of  Irishmen.  We  ’ 
were  much  interested  in  the  jaunting  cars,  which  are  to  this 
day  the  principal  passenger  vehicles  of  the  cities  of  Ireland, 
and  exclusively  confined  to  Ireland.  Curious  to  know  why  ! 
they  were  used  there  and  nowhere  else,  we  inquired,  and 
found  that  the  British  Government,  in  their  eagerness  to  col¬ 
lect  all  the  taxes  they  could  from  such  properties,  levied  a  tax 

on  vehicles  per  wheel,  and  on  domiciles  for  window  panes. 

# 

To  avoid  this,  the  stubborn  Irishmen  would  use  nothing  but 

■  V 

two-wheeled  vehicles  and,  unfortunately,  they  would  put  just 
as  few  panes  of  glass  in  their  houses  as  possible,  and  this 
custom  is  carried  out  there  to  this  day.  The  jaunting  car, 
while  not  presenting  to  one  unacquainted  with  it  a  very  entic¬ 
ing  invitation  to  ride,  is,  after  all,  when  you  become  used  to  it, 
a  very  interesting  vehicle,  and  General  Miles  and  I  invariably 
rode  in  them. 

Our  visit  was  at  the  time  of  the  horse  show  and,  being  cav-  i 
alrymen,  we  were  interested  in  the  exhibition  and  racing  of 
the  animals. 

From  Dublin  we  were  invited  by  a  Mrs.  Gait-Smith,  who 
was  the  owner  of  an  old  Irish  castle,  to  visit  her,  and  we  spent 
some  days  as  her  guests  at  Kilwaughter  Castle,  in  the  north  of 
Ireland. 


TRIP  TO  EUROPE  WITH  GENERAL  MILES 


309 


Mrs.  Gait-Smith  took  us  around  her  neighborhood  and  we 
became  acquainted  with  the  peat  bogs,  which  we  had  never 
seen  before,  where  a  great  part  of  the  fuel  of  the  country 
was  taken  from  dried  up  peat  bogs,  and,  strange  to  say,  the 
undried  bogs  were  such  that  even  horses  became  drowned 
when  they  tried  to  pass  over  them. 

From  there,  we  also  visited  the  “Giant’s  Causeway,”  one  of 
the  geological  curiosities  of  the  world. 

We  passed  from  there  through  Scotland,  through  the  coun¬ 
try  described  by  Sir  Walter  Scott,  and  saw  in  Edinburgh  what 
is  known  as  the  “King’s  Inn,”  a  national  prison. 

We  traveled  through  the  western  part  of  Austria,  adjoining 
Switzerland,  where  we  saw  the  most  unhappy  people  prob¬ 
ably  then  on  earth,  poor  and  helpless,  surrounded  by  soldiers 
on  all  sides  and  influenced  by  priests,  who  caused  them  to 
build  wayside  shrines  at  short  distances  from  each  other  along 
the  roads  where  the  people  would  pause  and  make  their  obei¬ 
sance  to  images.  So  unhappy  and  ignorant  were  these  people 
that  they  would  make  grimaces  at  us  while  riding  by  in  the 
automobile,  and  by  gesture  and  physiognomy  showed  how 
much  they  hated  those  who  were  better  situated  than  they 
were. 

Returning,  we  visited  London,  stopping  at  the  fashionable 
Carlton  Hotel,  where  the  people  seemed  less  isolated  from  the 
world  than  on  my  former  visit,  less  exalted  in  their  estimate 
of  themselves,  and  more  appreciative  of  the  progressive 
features  of  others,  having  adopted  street  cars,  tunnels,  eleva¬ 
tors  and  electric  lights,  and  become  themselves  personally 
more  cosmopolitan,  but  they  were  still  loudly  English,  proud 
of  their  Emperor,  his  empire  and  his  royal  family  and  accom¬ 
panying  dukes  and  nobles,  so  amusing  to  the  rest  of  the  intel¬ 
ligent  world. 


310 


My  Cartridge  Bei.t  Equipment 

The  invention,  development  and  manufacture  of  the  woven 
web  ammunition  carrier  and  its  accompanying  web  equipment 
(which  has  taken  the  place  of  leather  throughout  the  world), 
was  my  greatest  material  achievement.  I  only  regret  that  they 
were  not  designed  for  construction  rather  than  for  destruction. 

In  1866  our  army  adopted  the  breech-loading  rifle  with 
metallic  ammunition,  comparatively  non-perishable  by 
exposure  to  the  elements.  The  almost  cylindrical  stem  of  the 
cartridge  with  the  projecting  flange  on  its  head,  made  it 
possible  to  make  a  belt  with  closely  fitting  cylindrical  loops, 
in  which  the  cartridge  was  held  in  place  by  friction,  prevented 
from  dropping  through  by  the  flange. 

When  captain  of  the  18th  Infantry,  I  equipped  my  company 
with  my  invention,  using  belts  made  of  leather,  with  sewed-on 
leather  loops.  These  did  not  prove  entirely  satisfactory.  The 
acid  in  the  leather  acted  on  the  copper  in  the  shell,  producing 
verdigris,  causing  the  shells  to  stick  in  the  belt  or,  after  firing, 
in  the  chamber  of  the  gun. 

Belts  of  this  character  were  submitted  to  every  equipment 
board  organized  between  1866  and  1879,  but  so  wedded  were 
the  authorities  to  the  use  of  ancestral  methods  that  no  board 
even  made  favorable  mention  of  my  invention.  Meanwhile, 
the  cavalry  and  infantry'  on  active  service  against  Indians 
adopted  these  belts  of  this  character,  fabricating  them  them¬ 
selves. 

Becoming  known  at  Washington,  two  ordnance  inspectors 
were  sent  to  inspect  the  equipment  of  the  armies  of  General 
Terry  and  General  Crook,  confronting  the  hostile  Sioux,  in 
1876.  They  reported  it  was  impossible  to  compel  soldiers  on 
the  frontier  to  use  the  regulation  McKeever  cartridge  boxes, 
and  recommended  the  manufacture  of  a  uniform  belt  at 
arsenals.  The  Chief  of  Ordnance  approved,  and  thirty 


Fig.  1,  Longitudinal  Section  Through  Main  Web 
A  B,  and  Two  Loops,  C  C,  Showing  Warp  and 
Woof  Threads. 

Fig.  2,  Cross  Section  of  Main  Fabric,  Showing  Extra  Threads  g, 
in  Tube  of  Selvedge. 


Section  Through  Double  Loop  Belt,  Showing  Continuous  Fabric. 


312 


^  f  1  " 

Mills  Double  Loop  Belt,  Carrying  90  Rounds, 
Calibre  .30. 


Mills  Nine  Pocket  Belt,  Holding  90  Rounds, 
Calibre  .30. 


Mills  Infantry  Belt,  Dismounted,  Model  of 
1910,  Ten  Pockets,  20  Cups,  100  Rounds, 
Calibre  .30. 


MY  CARTRIDGE  BELT  EQUIPMENT 


313 


thousand  sewed  canvas  belts  were  made  at  Watervliet.  Their 
uniformity  and  the  facility  with  which  they  could  be  procured 
made  them  more  satisfactory  than  those  previously  used,  but 
the  loops  were  still  apt  to  rip  and  enlarge. 

My  experience  with  looms  as  a  boy,  gave  me  the  idea  of 
weaving  the  whole  belt,  body  as  well  as  loops,  in  one  piece 
without  sewing  the  loops,  uniform  in  size  and  incapable  of 
ripping  or  enlarging. 

In  search  for  advice  as  to  the  feasibility  of  this  plan,  I 
visited  the  Russell  Manufacturing  Company,  at  Middletown, 
Connecticut,  and  found  Mr.  Hubbard  in  charge. 

I  asked  if  he  could  not  help  devise  a  method  for  weaving 
the  loops  on  the  belt.  He  told  me  that  thirty  years’  experience 
in  textile  fabrics  told  him  it  was  utterly  impossible,  and  that 
I  should  know  that  every  string  had  two  ends! 

’‘You  an  army  officer ?”  he  asked;  “Will  you  get  angry  if  I 
give  you  some  good  advice?” 

“No.” 

“Do  you  see  that  building?”  pointing  to  the  insane  asylum. 
“Well,  there  are  smarter  men  than  you  right  in  that  building 
who  got  there  by  having  just  such  things  as  this  on  their  minds 
too  long.  I  advise  you  to  get  it  off.” 

Notwithstanding  his  advice,  I  did  not  get  the  matter  off  my 
mind  until  I  had  accomplished  my  conception. 

In  1878  the  War  Department  organized  a  board  of  officers 
consisting  of  Colonels  Miles,  Mackenzie  and  Morrow,  Major 
Sandford  and  Captain  Benham,  all  officers  of  frontier  experi¬ 
ence,  to  consider  the  best  method  of  carrying  the  new  metallic 
cartridges. 

They  reported  unanimously  in  favor  of  the  belt,  adding,  “In 
this  connection  the  board  is  very  favorably  impressed  with  the 
means  devised  by  Major  Anson  Mills,  10th  Cavalry,  for  weaving 
the  cartridge  belt  and  recommends  it  for  adoption  bv  the 
Ordnance  Department  and  their  manufacture.” 

This  report  was  approved  by  General  Benet,  Chief  of 


314 


THIRD  PERIOD 


Ordnance;  General  Sherman,  commanding  the  army,  and  the 
Secretary  of  War. 

A  few  of  these  belts  were  made  for  presentation  to  the  board 
on  a  hand  loom  manipulated  by  a  skilled  Scotch  weaver,  but 
we  found  it  difficult  to  produce  a  web  with  loops  of  proper 
consistency  and  resilience.  In  spite  of  all  we  could  do  the 
web  would  be  more  or  less  fluffy  or  inconsistent  (unable  to 
retain  its  form),  and  was  not  satisfactory'.  I  had  more  diffi¬ 
culty  in  producing  webbing  of  proper  consistency  than  in 
inventing  the  web  belt  and  a  loom  to  weave  it  all  in  the  same 
piece.  However,  by  procuring  cotton  of  the  very  best  fiber, 
twisted  into  multiple  threads  with  such  hardness  of  twist  that 
neither  the  warp  nor  woof  threads  would  break  under  a  strain 
of  nine  pounds  each,  I  finally  produced  a  web  with  a  better 
consistency  and  resilience  than  the  best  leather  itself,  notwith¬ 
standing  the  old  adage  that  “there  is  nothing  like  leather.” 

Mr.  George  Crompton,  of  Worcester,  the  textile  manufac¬ 
turer,  told  me  there  was  no  hand  machine  which  could  not 
be  duplicated  by  a  power  machine.  So  my  next  effort  was 
devoted  to  making  a  power  loom.  I  visited  many  textile 
factories  in  England,  France  and  Germany,  but  found  nothing 
to  meet  my  requirements,  and  in  a  shop  with  two  assistants 
I  constructed  the  first  loom,  in  Worcester,  in  1879. 

The  Chief  of  Ordnance  sent  his  senior  officer.  Colonel 
Hagner,  to  inspect  the  loom  and  report  whether  it  was 
practicable  to  weave  the  loops  on  it.  Its  work  was  so  satisfac¬ 
tory  he  recommended  the  discontinuance  of  the  manufacture 
of  the  sewed  belts  made  under  his  charge  at  Watervliet. 

The  Secretary7  of  War  adopted  the  belt  for  field  service, 
continuing  the  McKeever  box  in  the  garrisons  only.  On 
August  24,  1895,  the  box  was  permanently  abandoned  and  the 
belt  became  universal  throughout  the  army. 

Its  superiority  over  all  other  methods  for  carrying  ammu¬ 
nition  is  too  apparent  to  need  any7  general  description  here, 
but  among  its  practical  qualities  may  be  named  the  easy 
access,  the  ready  inspection,  the  instant  detection  of  loss  or 


315 


Proper  Method  of  Extracting  Cartridges  from  Loops. 


Calibre  .45  Compared  With  Calibre 
.30  Cartridge. 


Clip  of  Five  .30  Calibre  Cartridges. 


Gold  Medal  Awarded  by  New  Zealand  International 
Exposition,  1882. 


316 


U.  S.  Infantryman 
With  Mills  Equipment  of  1887. 


MY  CARTRIDGE  BELT  EQUIPMENT 


317 


exhaustion;  the  expressive  martial  purpose  at  sight,  important 
in  the  suppression  of  riots,  the  ease  with  which  it  is  carried, 
fitting  closely  to  the  body  with  weight  so  equally  distributed 
as  to  lead  the  soldier  almost  to  feel  it  a  part  of  his  person; 
the  economy  in  weight  and  expense,  neither  being  more  than 
the  leather  belt  to  which  the  box,  pouches,  etc.,  of  other 
methods  were  attached. 

As  an  active  army  officer,  I  could  not  contract  with  the 
government  to  manufacture  the  belt. 

On  September  22,  1879,  I  offered,  through  the  Chief  of 
Ordnance,  General  Benet,  to  give  the  invention  to  the  govern¬ 
ment  if  he  would  manufacture  the  belts  in  his  department, 
thus  advertising  its  worth  to  the  sporting  trade  and  to  other 
nations.  He  preferred  purchasing  the  belts  in  open  market. 
The  Gilbert  Loom  Company,  of  Worcester,  agreed  to  furnish 
forty  thousand  single  loop  belts,  paying  me  a  small  royalty. 
The  forty  thousand  belts  supplied  the  army  for  five  years,  so 
that  neither  Mr.  Gilbert  nor  I  received  any  large  compensation. 
But  we  supplied  a  larger  number  to  the  sporting  trade  for 
different  sized  arms,  rifles  and  shotguns,  and  so  had  sufficient 
income  to  keep  the  factory  going.  The  Winchester  Arms 
Company  had  the  sole  right  to  sell  the  sporting  goods  for 
five  years,  yet  at  the  end  of  that  period  we  received  from 
both  sources  less  money  net  than  I  had  expended  in  the 
twelve  years  from  1866  to  1878  in  perfecting  and  exploiting 
my  improvements. 

The  cartridges  for  army  belts  were  forty-five  caliber.  More 
than  fifty  loops  on  a  belt  for  an  ordinary  man  were  not  pos¬ 
sible;  yet,  for  rapid  fire,  it  was  necessary  to  have  more  than 
fifty  cartridges  on  the  person,  and  it  was  too  cumbersome  to 
carry  two  belts. 

At  the  expiration  of  Mr.  Gilbert’s  contract  I  entered  into  a 
contract  with  my  brother-in-law,  Mr.  T.  C.  Orndorff,  by  which 
he  was  to  devote  his  entire  attention  to  building  up  the  factory 
and  perfecting  the  belt.  He  agreed  that  by  diligent  application 
and  industry  there  was  a  fortune  in  the  prospective  improve- 


318 


THIRD  PERIOD 


ments  of  the  web  belt  and  equipments  and  substitutes  for 
leather,  and  entered  heartily  into  the  spirit  of  the  work.  He 
took  over  ten  looms  from  Mr.  Gilbert  and  the  contract  for 
furnishing  the  sporting  trade  from  the  Winchester  Arms 
Company.  I  agreed  to  pay  him  an  annual  salary  and  ten  per 
cent  of  the  net  profits.  During  the  first  three  years,  owing  to 
difficulties  with  the  trade  and  the  Winchester  Company,  there 
were  no  profits;  indeed,  I  advanced  the  factory  a  large  sum  of 
money.  But  he  never  lost  courage. 

Mr.  Orndorff  employed  Captain  Henry  R.  Lemly,  U.  S.  A. 
(retired),  to  canvass  the  South  American  republics,  and  he 
obtained  sufficient  orders  there  to  increase  the  net  receipts. 
I  was  gradually  regaining  the  money  invested  when  the 
unexpected  happened.  The  difficulty  with  Spain  arose,  and, 
on  the  passage  of  the  “Fifty  Million  Bill,”  we  received  tele¬ 
graphic  orders  from  the  Chief  of  Ordnance  to  equip  a  factory 
capable  of  turning  out  at  least  a  thousand  belts  per  day.  The 
department  wanted  three  hundred  thousand  belts  as  soon  as 
possible.  Orndorff  contracted  for  equipping  the  factory  for 
day  and  night  work  at  a  large  expense,  for  which  we  had  to 
go  into  debt. 

We  had  about  completed  the  order,  but  had  delivered  only 
two  hundred  thousand,  when  notice  was  sent  that  no  further 
belts  would  be  received.  The  ninety  days’  war  was  over!  This 
put  us  in  a  practically  bankrupt  condition,  a  hundred  thousand 
belts  on  hand  and  no  market  for  them,  and  a  large  indebted¬ 
ness.  But  we  had  no  written  contract  and  could  not  compel 
the  government  to  take  or  pay  for  the  belts. 

Two  Canadian  regiments  were  assembling  at  Quebec  to 
leave  for  South  Africa  and  the  Boer  War.  Orndorff  and  I 
concluded  to  make  the  two  regiments  a  present  of  our  belts. 
Hurriedly  packing  sufficient  belts  to  equip  the  two  regiments, 
he  started  for  Quebec,  October  28,  1899,  consigning  the  ship¬ 
ment  to  Colonel  Otter,  commanding  the  contingent  steamship 
“Sardinia-Quebec.” 

Arriving  two  hours  before  sailing,  the  colonels  commanding 


319 


U.  S.  Infantryman,  With  Complete  Mills  Web 
Equipment,  Front  View. 


320 


U.  S.  Infantryman,  With  Complete  Mills  Web  Equipment, 
Back  and  Side  Views. 


MY  CARTRIDGE  BELT  EQUIPMENT 


321 


the  two  regiments  made  much  of  Orndorff,  gave  him  a  dinner, 
and  formally  accepted  the  belts  with  many  thanks  in  commen¬ 
dation  of  the  “blood  that  is  thicker  than  water.” 

In  1898  Mr.  Hiram  Maxim,  of  London,  England,  manufac¬ 
turer  of  the  one-pound  automatic  gun,  wanted  seamless  belts 
for  feeding  his  gun  with  large  cartridges.  He  came  to  our 
factory,  examined  the  looms  and  furnished  riveted  models  for 
Orndorff’s  guidance. 

During  this  visit  I  took  Mr.  Maxim  and  his  wife  to  the 
Springfield  armory  and  introduced  them  to  the  officers,  whom 
Maxim  hoped  to  get  interested  in  his  gun. 

Then  Maxim  contracted  with  Orndorff  to  introduce  our  belts 
into  the  British  army.  Furnished  with  a  number  of  samples 
to  present  for  trial,  both  he  and  Mrs.  Maxim  went  before  the 
Army  Board  at  Aldershot,  of  which  Colonel  Tongue  was 
president,  but  the  British  army  authorities  were  so  wedded 
to  ancestral  methods  that  he  failed  in  spite  of  eleven  years 
i  Df  effort. 

A  Mr.  Leekie,  associated  with  Maxim,  obtained  some  small 
I  Drders  for  belts  for  the  colonial  troops  in  Australia,  and 
l  Captain  Zalinski,  a  retired  artillery  officer,  tried  to  sell  the 
oelts  in  Europe,  but  in  spite  of  energetic  efforts,  he  failed. 
Drndorff  visited  Europe  and  applied  at  the  British  War  Office 
jefore  he  ever  saw  Maxim,  Leekie  or  Zalinski,  but  received 
10  encouragement. 

Orndorff  bought  much  cotton  yarn  from  Mr.  William  Lind¬ 
sey,  of  Boston,  who  became  familiar  with  our  belt  by  visiting 
General  Shatter’s  army  at  Montauk.  Seeing  an  opportunity, 
Jndsey  solicited  a  contract  to  manufacture  and  sell  belts  to 
England,  with  exclusive  rights. 

We  told  him  we  had  a  tentative  agreement  with  Messrs, 
daxim  and  Leekie  and,  as  they  might  claim  compensation  for 
my  orders  he  might  get,  we  expected  him  to  stand  between  11s 
ind  any  claims  presented  by  Maxim  and  Leekie,  or  either, 
dndsey  visited  England  and  saw  Maxim  and  Leekie,  after 
vhich  we  contracted  with  Lindsey,  binding  him  to  expend 


322 


THIRD  PERIOD 


a  certain  sum  of  money  of  his  own  in  establishing  and 
promoting  the  business.  We  loaned  him  a  loom,  furnished  a 
skilled  weaver,  and  sold  him  sufficient  material  to  keep  il 
going.  On  October  25,  1899,  he  sailed  for  England. 

He  possessed  indomitable  energy.  Practically  all  his  small 
fortune  was  invested  in  this  undertaking  of  storming  the  British 
War  Office,  an  impregnable  fortress  to  most  Americans. 

The  War  Office  soon  learned  that  the  Boers  were  equipped 
with  our  cartridge  belt,  save  that  they  were  sewed.  The  British 
troops  were  being  defeated  principally  by  the  cumbersome, 
inadequate  and  heavy  British  equipment.  By  June,  1901, 
Lindsey  had  orders  to  equip  the  300,000  British  troops  in 
Africa.  The  equipment  gave  such  satisfaction  that  the  War 
Office  adopted  the  belt  for  universal  use,  and  by  the  end  of  the 
year  Lindsey  established  a  large  factory  in  London,  and  small 
ones  in  both  France  and  Germany,  making  his  venture  as  well 
as  ours  a  complete  financial  success. 

These  factories  have  since  been  much  enlarged,  the  buildings 
of  the  Worcester  establishment  now  covering  over  two  acres 
of  ground. 

The  United  States  adopted  a  new  magazine  repeating  rifle, 
after  the  Spanish  War,  with  a  thirty  caliber  cartridge,  instead 
of  fifty,  but  greater  in  length,  necessitating  carrying  the 
cartridges  in  clips  of  five  each.  The  loop  belt  was  unsuited 
to  cartridges  in  clips.  It  was  necessary  to  replace  the  loops 
with  pockets,  carrying  one  or  more  clips.  A  bottom  was 
woven  in  the  pocket  to  keep  the  clips  from  falling  through, 
and  a  flap  was  provided  to  button  over  the  top  to  hold  them  in. 
Orndorff  and  I  invented  this  belt.  The  belt  usually  has  nine 
pockets,  containing  four  clips  of  five  cartridges  each,  which 
enables  it  to  carry  one  hundred  and  eighty  cartridges.  When 
filled,  these  belts  average  about  ten  pounds  in  weight.  It  was 
found  necessary  to  have  attached  straps,  so  the  weight  is 
partially  carried  by  the  shoulders. 

For  the  marching  equipment,  we  devised  full  kits  of 
webbing  so  that  no  leather  appeared  in  the  whole  outfit. 


British  Infantryman  With  Mills-Burrowes 
Web  Equipment. 


French  Infantryman  With  Mills  Web  Equipment. 


MY  CARTRIDGE  BELT  EQUIPMENT 


325 


Knapsack,  haversack,  and  canteen  are  almost  entirely  of  tightly 
woven  waterproof  webbing. 

After  the  Boer  War  the  British  Government  changed  its 
single-loading  rifle  to  a  clip  rifle  and  the  double  loop  belts 
and  bandoleers  which  Lindsey  had  manufactured  became 
obsolete.  The  development  of  the  pocket  belt,  however, 
enabled  the  foreign  business  to  continue  with  a  new  product. 

I  gradually  increased  Orndorff’s  interest  to  thirty  per  cent 
of  the  profits  of  the  business.  Our  long  partnership  was  never 
marred  by  any  friction  or  trouble.  He  had  the  harder  part, 
as  he  had  to  submit  to  my  dictation,  I  having  the  controlling 
interest.  He  was  one  of  the  most  genial  men  with  whom  I  ever 
associated. 

After  twenty-seven  years’  hard  work,  his  health  failed,  and 
in  July,  1901,  he  asked  me  to  buy  out  his  interest.  I  gave  him 
a  sum  with  which  he  was  more  than  satisfied.  Added  to  what 
he  had  accumulated,  he  had  a  competence  greater  than  he 
needed  during  the  rest  of  his  life.  He  and  his  wife  moved 
to  Bedlands,  California,  where  Nannie  and  I  visited  them  a 
year  later.  He  was  contented  and  happy,  but  he  never  grew 
strong  again,  and  died  in  August,  1905.  (Cut,  326.) 

Twelve  years  ago,  when  I  was  offered  enough  for  my  factory 
and  its  good  will  to  enable  me  to  retire  with  a  similar  com¬ 
petence,  I  had  the  good  sense  to  accept.  I  have  not  had  one 
dollar’s  interest  in  it  since  September  11,  1905. 

In  twenty-seven  years  we  never  had  a  strike,  never  a  serious 
discontent  with  any  number  of  our  employes,  and  we  retain 
to  this  day  the  loyal  good  will  of  those  who  bought  us  out. 
The  factory  is  still  known  as  the  Mills  Woven  Cartridge  Belt 
Company,  and  my  portrait  is  in  the  office  with  a  legend  telling 
of  the  foundation  of  the  factory.  Every  article  they  make,  now 
hundreds  in  number,  is  labelled  and  catalogued  with  my  name. 

Mr.  Frank  B.  Batchelder,  the  present  manager  and  sole 
controller,  engaged  in  service  with  us  in  a  subordinate 
capacity  twenty  years  ago.  He  has  made  a  fortune,  which  he 
has  faithfully  and  honestly  earned.  He  is  very  able  and  com- 


326 


MY  CARTRIDGE  BELT  EQUIPMENT 


327 


petent  and  as  long  as  he  lives  will  maintain  the  name  of  the 
factory  in  all  its  worth  and  integrity. 

It  has  been  my  good  fortune  during  most  of  my  efforts  to 
associate  myself  with  young  men,  like  Orndorff  and  Batch- 
elder,  of  happy,  sociable  temperaments,  able  and  industrious. 
I  shall  always  remember  them  for  the  earnest,  faithful  and 
assiduous  manner  in  which  they  forwarded  my  interests  and 
at  the  same  time  afforded  me  a  happy  association  with  them 
socially. 

Many  connected  with  these  factories  at  home  and  abroad 
are  making  more  out  of  them  than  ever  I  made,  but  I  have 
no  envy.  I  received  more  than  I  expected  or  deserved,  and 
am  perfectly  content.  I  enjoy  the  reputation  more  than  the 
money. 

To  the  day  of  her  death,  Nannie  felt  the  same  gratitude.  In 
fact,  it  was  she  who  first  suggested  that  I  had  made  enough, 
and  that  it  was  time  to  stop. 


328 


The  League  to  Enforce  Peace 

On  Saturday,  May  27,  1916,  Nannie  and  I  attended  by  invi¬ 
tation,  the  national  meeting  in  Washington  of  the  League  to 
Enforce  Peace.  Made  an  honorary  vice-president  and  mem- 
her  of  the  executive  committee,  I  attended  its  monthly  meet¬ 
ings  in  New  York.  Officials  of  the  society  asked  me  to  aid  it 
by  public  speeches  or  written  articles,  and  the  editor  of  the 
New  York  Evening  Mail  requested  my  views  on  the  League 
for  publication.  I  referred  a  copy  of  my  letter  to  the  Mail,  to 
the  President,  Mr.  Taft,  and  Dr.  Lowell,  chairman  of  the  ex¬ 
ecutive  committee.  It  was  approved  by  them  for  publication 
over  my  name  as  a  member  of  the  League,  although  of  course 
not  as  an  expression  of  the  League  itself;  President  Taft  sug¬ 
gested  that  I  send  a  copy  to  Secretary  Short  for  publication 
by  the  League  as  a  part  of  its  literature,  which  I  did. 

After  making  changes  suggested  by  Dr.  Lowell,  the  article 
which  follows  was  published  by  the  Mail : 

November  28,  1916. 

To  the  Editor  of  the  Evening  Mail: 

Sir:  Your  favor  has  just  reached  me. 

You  ask  my  opinion  “as  to  what  should  be  done  at  once 
or  in  the  near  future,  and  what  steps  should  be  taken  by 
the  League  to  Enforce  Peace  to  help  the  national  govern-  ] 
ment  create  an  atmosphere  wherein  the  voice  of  the 
American  people  may  be  heard  and  heeded.” 

To  the  first  I  answer — Nothing.  There  are  at  present, 
counting  Greece,  seventeen  of  the  most  powerful  and 
civilized  nations  of  the  world  engaged  in  the  most  cause¬ 
less,  vengeful  and  barbarous  of  all  wars  known  to  history. 

There  are  perhaps  actively  engaged  twenty-five  or 
thirty  millions  of  the  most  destructive  soldiers  that  ever 
trod  the  earth,  representing  perhaps  five  hundred  mil¬ 
lions  of  the  earth’s  best  civilization,  whose  judgment  has 
“fled  to  brutish  beasts,”  and  nothing  this  nation  or  its 


THE  LEAGUE  TO  ENFORCE  PEACE 


329 


people  can  do  will  change  its  course  or  affect  its  termi¬ 
nation  one  iota. 

In  fact,  we  have  no  remedies  for  our  wrongs,  more  than 
a  bystander  in  a  street  tight,  and  must  bide  our  time, 
meanwhile  playing  the  Good  Samaritan  under  difficulties 
as  best  we  can,  leaving  the  various  roads  to  the  various 
Jerichos  devastated  and  unpoliced. 

The  art  and  science  of  war  has  so  enhanced  the  means 
of  defense  and  taken  the  pomp  and  circumstance  from 
war  that  all  the  world  in  arms  can  not  again  conquer  and 
abjectly  subjugate  an  enlightened,  homogeneous  and  loyal 
people  of  fifty  millions.  This  war  can  be  settled  only  by 
exhaustion  of  many  years  and  a  truce  of  perhaps  a  year 
to  compose  many  compromises. 

We  have  an  example  in  our  own  civil  war,  where  Eng¬ 
land,  France  and  Austria  sought  to  intervene,  to  their  own 
mortification  and  regret,  and  where  we  (but  one  nation 
then  as  contrasted  now  with  seventeen)  were  as  vengeful 
as  the  present  combatants;  but  we  were  all  patriots,  and 
when  there  came  a  Lincoln,  a  Grant  and  a  Lee  we  learned 
to  know  each  other  better,  as  in  due  time  these  hundreds 
of  millions  of  the  very  best,  most  civilized  and  most  pa¬ 
triotic  people  of  the  world  will  learn  to  know  each  other 
better  when  they  have  developed  (as  they  will  develop) 
their  Lincolns,  Grants  and  Lees,  “with  charity  for  all  and 
malice  toward  none.” 

They  have  “taken  many  captives  home”  (perhaps  near 
four  millions  each  in  fair  proportion),  but  they  can  not 
as  of  old  by  slavery  “their  general  coffers  fill”;  on  the 
contrary,  their  care  and  keep  will  be  a  great  expense  and 
burden.  Meanwhile  the  captives  will  be  learning  the 
language  of  their  foes  and  earnestly  preaching  their  coun¬ 
try’s  cause  and  their  own  patriotism — none  entirely  with¬ 
out  reason. 

Our  people  and  nation  have  much  mixed  up  the  pre¬ 
paredness  frenzy — appropriating  hundreds  of  millions  for 


330 


THIRD  PERIOD 


the  best  arms  and  munitions — paying  little  heed  to  the 
“man  behind”  them,  who  also  should  be  the  best.  They 
however,  insult  his  intelligence  by  offering  him  $15  a  i 
month,  while  he  knows  that  the  nation  employs  as  man)  i 
policemen  as  it  does  soldiers,  and  pays  (the  lower  grades) 
from  $75  to  $100  per  month,  and  as  many  letter-carriers 
at  similar  rates.  The  soldier  is  as  well  worthy  of  his  hire 
Statistics  show  the  soldier’s  pay  to  be  about  14  per  cent  of 
the  cost  of  our  great  wars. 

Preparedness  will  be  complete  when  the  private’s  pa) 
is  $50  on  entrance  and  graded  upward.  This  would  be 
less  expensive  than  to  “make  his  trade  the  trade  of  all’ 
by  universal  conscription.  Desertions,  recruiting  stations, 
guard-houses  and  courts  martial  will  virtually  disappear. 
The  very  best  and  most  intelligent  single  men  in  the 
country  will  qualify  and  each  captain  will  have  a  long 
waiting  list  of  men  who  will  need  little  training  or  dis¬ 
cipline.  We  shall  have  a  democratic  army  from  which 
intelligent  and  efficient  officers  can  be  raised. 

There  is  no  such  tangible  thing  as  “international  law.’i 
All  real  laws  are  “rules  of  action”  entered  into  and  agreed 
upon  by  communities  of  individual  rational  and  soul-  ■ 
possessing  human  beings,  where  each  individual  surren¬ 
ders  some  of  his  natural  rights  that  greater  good  may 
come  to  the  greater  number,  and  where  there  is  a  latent 
police  force  (subject  to  call)  with  a  moral  environment  of 
its  soul-possessing  members  sufficient  to  make  the  call 
and  enforce  its  mandates. 

Without  these  two  elements  of  the  individual  human 
conscience  there  is  no  community  on  earth  so  civilized  and 
righteously  inclined  as  to  be  able  to  conduct  in  peace  and 
order  a  prayer-meeting,  a  bank,  a  fair  or  a  public  game, 
but  with  these  two  elements  well  developed,  what  is 
known  as  a  “gentleman’s  agreement”  could  be  carried  out 
by  the  righteous  soul-consciousness  of  public  sentiment. 

So-called  international  law  has  no  such  elements.  Its 


THE  LEAGUE  TO  ENFORCE  PEACE 


331 


rules  are  generally  established  by  powerful  nations  in 
great  wars  who,  in  dire  disaster,  for  self-preservation  dis¬ 
regard  and  violate  previously  accepted  rules  to  suit  their 
success  and  also  proclaim  new  rules  not  hitherto  known 
or  accepted,  enforcing  them  to  serve  the  same  ends  as 
far  as  they  have  the  power,  thus  establishing  precedents, 
leaving  the  wronged  of  the  world  no  remedy  against  such 
might-made  laws  save  the  might-made  remedy  of  war, 
and  so  so-called  international  law  is  created,  the  indi¬ 
vidual  rational  soul-possessing  human  being  having  no 
voice  in  its  creation,  repeal  or  enforcement. 

These  “precedents”  are  without  the  two  essential  ele¬ 
ments,  “latent  police  force”  and  “soulful  moral  environ¬ 
ment,”  to  compel  observance.  Hence  there  is  no  such 
tangible  thing  as  “international  law.” 

Perhaps  the  League  to  Enforce  Peace  would  be  in  a 
better  position  at  the  close  of  this  war  to  present  its 
scheme  had  we  adhered  to  the  contribution  of  General 
Jackson  to  so-called  international  law.  In  1818,  when  Gen¬ 
eral  Jackson  with  a  punitive  expedition  after  Creek  Indians 
captured  Pensacola,  then  under  Spanish  sovereignty,  he 
arrested  two  British  subjects,  Ambrister  and  Arbuthnot 
(one  a  British  army  officer),  and  tried  and  executed  them 
for  selling  arms  to  the  Creek  Indians. 

This  was  accepted  by  England,  then  the  ruling  power 
of  the  world,  and  her  predecessor,  Spain,  and  approved 
by  the  United  States. 

In  this  present  war  it  is  obvious  to  all,  combatants  as 
well  as  neutrals,  that  we  are  luxuriously  feasting  on  the 
blood  and  tears  of  all  the  combatants,  and  to  some  extent 
the  neutrals.  For  a  long  time  custom  has  approved  this. 
Now  envy  and  jealousy  on  the  part  of  some  and  a  convic¬ 
tion  on  the  part  of  many  that  it  is  unrighteous,  is  bring¬ 
ing  to  bear  upon  us  a  widespread  prejudice  which  will 
continue  to  increase  in  a  progressive  ratio  until  the  war 
ends. 


332 


THIRD  PERIOD 


This  may  impair  our  efficiency  as  an  advocate  of  a 
league  to  enforce  peace. 

Now,  as  to  “what  steps  should  be  taken  by  the  League 
to  Enforce  Peace.”  I  know  that  it  realizes  the  magnitude 
of  its  undertaking;  hut  owing  to  the  great  international 
communication,  general  intelligence,  and  common  interest 
of  the  people  of  the  world,  with  the  opportune  conditions 
we  shall  have  at  the  termination  of  the  war — perhaps  no 
greater  an  undertaking  than  that  devolving  upon  Wash¬ 
ington,  Jefferson,  Franklin  and  their  associates  of  the 
convention  of  the  thirteen  former  free  and  independent 
colonies,  then  thirteen  free  and  independent  states. 

Their  problem  was  then  much  as  ours  is  today.  That 
is  to  say,  to  form  a  community  of  individual  states  after 
the  methods  and  manners  of  the  communities  of  individ¬ 
ual  men  above  described,  wherein  each  individual  state 
was  to  surrender  some  of  its  minor  natural  rights  for  the 
greater  good  of  the  greater  number. 

There  was  then,  as  there  are  now,  great  misgivings  and 
doubts  even  among  ourselves.  The  rest  of  the  world  held, 
through  the  despotism  of  custom,  the  false  doctrine  that 
war  was  the  natural  state  of  man.  Academic  lawyers  and 
diplomats  held,  as  they  do  now,  that  there  were  “state’s 
rights”  and  “non-justiciable  interstate  cases”  more  potent 
than  the  rights  of  human  beings.  So  that  outside  America 
the  scheme  was  ridiculed  as  visionary  and  impracticable. 

Our  people  and  the  colonies  (then  states)  had  become 
so  abhorrent  of  the  devastation,  blood  and  tears  of  a 
seven  years’  war  that  they  decided,  through  the  wise  men 
of  this  convention,  that  the  states  would  surrender  to  the 
general  good  the  few  rights  “without  remedies”  they 
might  have  and,  so  to  speak,  charge  them  to  “profit  and 
loss.” 

This  wise  convention  surprised  the  world  with  a  consti¬ 
tution  or  “league  of  states”  so  perfect  in  all  its  details  of 
“legislation,”  “adjudication”  and  “execution”  (reducing 


THE  LEAGUE  TO  ENFORCE  PEACE 


333 


the  loss  of  rights  without  remedy  to  the  minimum)  that 
for  128  years  (with  one  regrettable  exception)  the  nation 
had  played  the  Good  Samaritan  for  the  natural  afflictions 
of  pestilence,  flood  and  famine  to  all  its  people  of  the 
thirteen  states  (gradually  increased  to  forty-eight),  mean¬ 
while  preventing  the  unnatural  afflictions  of  war  and 
keeping  open  and  well  policed  all  the  roads  to  all  the 
Jerichos  within  them.  In  the  case  of  the  exception,  the 
force  provided  proved  sufficient  and  effective  to  restore 
order  and  contentment. 

To  a  rational  mind  giving  the  matter  reasonable  study 
it  is  hard  to  conceive  a  conclusion  other  than  that  similar 
results  may  he  accomplished  with  a  similar  league  of  the 
nations  of  the  world. 

Anson  Mills. 

While  there  were  some  forty-six  members  of  the  executive 
committee,  it  was  difficult  to  get  a  legal  quorum  of  fifteen  and 
there  were  never  more  than  twenty  members  present,  almost 
all  from  New  York  City  or  New  England.  It  was  in  fact  a 
close  North  Atlantic  seaboard  corporation. 

Believing  we  could  not  organize  national  sentiment  in  favor 
of  the  League’s  program  with  so  sectional  a  representation,  I 
moved  that  the  next  meeting  be  held  at  Kansas  City,  or  some 
other  central  location,  to  obtain  a  better  representation  of  the 
sentiments  of  the  whole  people.  I  was  refused  a  vote,  but  the 
motion  was  referred  to  the  committee  on  management,  which 
smothered  it. 

At  the  meetings  I  attended  never  more  than  fifty  minutes 
were  devoted  to  the  discussion  of  an  intelligent  propaganda 
solely  in  the  interests  of  the  League,  but  there  was  much  dis¬ 
cussion  by  a  few  as  to  inducing  the  President,  Congress,  or 
both,  to  intervene  in  the  European  war.  The  efforts  a  few  of 
us  made  to  declare  the  League  an  organization  formed  to 
maintain  a  neutral  attitude  regarding  the  European  war,  so 
that  when  peace  should  come  the  society  might  have  greater 


334 


THIRD  PERIOD 


opportunity  to  carry  its  righteous  propaganda  successfully  to 
both  victors  and  vanquished,  were  uniformly  referred  to  the 
Committee  on  Management  and  never  heard  of  again. 

When  the  United  States  declared  war  the  few  members  of 
the  committee  present  declared  the  League  not  neutral  but 
belligerent.  My  view,  expressed  in  a  letter  to  the  Secretary, 
was  that  since  our  Government  had  accepted  the  gage  of  “Trial 
by  Combat”  it  was  the  first  duty  of  every  American  to  put 
forth  every  energy  to  attain  success,  postponing  nobler  aspira¬ 
tions  until  flags  of  truce  should  be  flying  from  both  friends  and 
foes.  To  that  end  I  suggested  we  postpone  our  next  meeting 
until  victors  and  vanquished  alike  be  so  prostrated  with 
wretchedness,  poverty  and  shame  for  their  cruelties  and  bar¬ 
barities,  that  they  would  lend  more  willing  ears  to  the  pro¬ 
paganda  we  had  so  much  at  heart.  This  course  not  being 
taken,  I  notified  the  Secretary,  that  by  participating  in  the  war 
as  an  organization,  the  League  had  in  my  opinion  so  destroyed 
its  capacity  for  good  that  my  further  attendance  at  the  Execu¬ 
tive  Committee  meetings  could  serve  no  useful  purpose.  My 
resignation  was  accepted. 

In  my  opinion,  the  League  made  two  serious  errors:  First, 
in  Article  III  of  its  constitution  where  it  excepted  “non-justi- 
ciable”  cases  from  the  control  of  the  proposed  league.  It  is 
unsafe  to  devise  any  law  or  rule  of  action  which  permits  of 
too  numerous  or  too  ill-defined  exceptions.  If  criminal  law 
exempted  non-justiciable  questions  from  the  jurisdiction  of 
courts,  no  criminal,  even  the  most  heartless  murderer,  could 
be  convicted.  The  ingenuity  of  lawyers  could  always  prove 
some  non-justiciable  element  entered  into  the  crime.  The 
same  would  be  true  of  nations.  Those  most  powerful  and 
best  prepared  for  war  would  assume  greater  latitude  in  de¬ 
fining  what  was  justiciable  and  would  show  less  punctilious¬ 
ness  in  endeavoring  to  establish  their  definition  than  nations 
smaller  and  less  well  prepared.  Statesmen  and  diplomats 
working  in  secret  would  easily  show  any  question  about  to 
lead  to  war  as  “non-justiciable”  and  not  to  be  presented  to  the 


THE  LEAGUE  TO  ENFORCE  PEACE 


335 


international  court  set  up  by  a  league  composed  of  many  na¬ 
tions  too  weak  to  be  respected  by  the  powerful. 

The  second  mistake  was  to  yield,  as  an  organization,  to  the 
allurements  of  “Trial  by  Combat,”  and  to  endeavor,  as  a 
league,  to  induce  our  nation  to  intervene  in  the  present  war. 
Members  might  take  this  course  as  individuals,  but,  when  they 
made  it  the  act  of  a  league  for  peace  they  stultified  the  league, 
and  in  my  opinion,  destroyed  any  great  power  for  usefulness 
the  league  might  have  in  the  future. 


336 


Duelling  Pistols  Brought  from  England  by  Nannie’s  Great  Uncle. 


337 


TRIAL  BY  COMBAT 

Personal  Trial  by  Combat 

I  hope  to  show  a  close  analogy  between  the  personal  trial 
by  combat  legalized  throughout  Europe  for  many  hundreds  of 
years  (now  legal  nowhere,  practically  abandoned  in  all  civil¬ 
ized  countries),  and  international  trial  by  combat,  still  exist¬ 
ing  throughout  the  world.  Describing  conditions  before  the 
middle  ages,  George  Nielson,  in  his  “Trial  by  Combat,”  says: 

“Nothing  was  too  high  for  it,  nothing  too  low.  It  would 
establish  the  virtue  of  a  queen,  test  the  veracity  of  a  witness, 
or  reargue  the  decision  of  a  judge;  it  would  hang  a  traitor,  a 
murderer,  or  a  thief;  it  would  settle  a  disputed  point  of  suc= 
cession,  give  a  widow7  her  dower,  or  prove  a  questioned  charter. 
From  such  high  arguments  as  these,  it  descended  with  equal 
ease  to  discuss  debts  of  every  kind  and  of  whatever  amount, 
and  a  French  monarch  earned  a  title  as  a  reformer  when  he 
disallowed  it  where  the  principal  sum  in  plea  was  under  five 
sous.” 

This  legalized  method  of  trial  was  used  prior  to  any  his¬ 
torical  record,  but  Gundobald,  King  of  Burgundy,  in  501,  estab¬ 
lished  the  law'  permanently  in  his  kingdom,  w  here  it  w'as  con¬ 
tinued  for  over  eleven  hundred  years.  Replying  to  the  remon¬ 
strances  of  one  of  his  bishops,  he  said:  “Is  it  not  true  that 
the  event  both  of  national  wars  and  private  combats  is  directed 
by  the  judgment  of  God?  And  does  not  Providence  award  the 
victory  to  the  juster  cause?” 

Of  a  later  period,  Nielson  says: 

“When  the  fourteenth  century  began,  the  duel  had  ceased 
to  be  in  any  real  sense  a  living  proper  part  of  law.  On  the 
continent  and  in  the  British  Isles  it  was  alive  a  thousand  years 
and  more  after  the  enactment  of  Gundobald.” 

The  incident  of  David  and  Goliath  w'as  quoted  by  some  as  a 
divine  authorization  of  trial  by  combat. 

Throughout  Europe,  England,  and  even  America,  it  was  a 
personal  privilege  of  men  of  honor,  until  the  middle  of  the 
nineteenth  century,  when,  to  the  great  honor  of  America,  be 


338 


THIRD  PERIOD 


it  said,  the  good  sense,  intelligence  and  courageous  action  of 
the  American  people  caused  its  abolition. 

Some  claimed  the  unlegalized  continuance  of  it  to  be  neces¬ 
sary  because  of  the  non-justiciable  questions  of  honor  raised 
between  disputants;  also  this  method  of  trial  was  not  available 
to  common  people,  but  only  to  what  were  known  as  gentle¬ 
men  and  so-called  men  of  honor. 

Until  the  first  part  of  the  19th  century  judges  on  the  bench, 
lawyers  in  court,  and  other  public  functionaries,  supposed  to 
belong  to  that  small  class  of  people  “of  honor”  wore  swords, 
wigs  and  knee  breeches  when  officiating,  after  the  manner  of 
barons,  squires  and  knights  errant  of  the  mediaeval  ages. 

As  examples  of  personal  trial  by  combat,  I  select  the  four 
most  famous  duels  fought  in  America  during  the  fore  part  of 
the  last  century: 

Burr-Hamilton,  1804;  Baron-Decatur,  1820;  Graves-Cilley, 
1838,  and  Terry-Broderick,  1859. 

Burr,  Baron,  Graves  and  Terry  were  the  challengers,  and 
all  were  skilled  professional  duellists,  and  each  killed  his 
antagonist. 

At  the  time  of  their  duel,  Burr  and  Hamilton  were  among 
the  foremost  men  of  the  country,  Burr  being  Vice-President, 
and  Hamilton  perhaps  the  most  influential  politician.  Burr 
was  forty-eight  and  Hamilton  forty-seven,  conspicuous  and 
able  from  boyhood.  They  served  together  on  General  Wash¬ 
ington’s  staff  when  mere  youths,  although  Washington  soon 
found  it  necessary  to  relieve  Burr.  He  retained  Hamilton, 
and  later  made  him  one  of  his  cabinet. 

Though  both  were  from  New  York,  they  headed  opposite 
political  parties.  Hamilton’s  influence  defeated  Burr’s  ap¬ 
pointment  as  brigadier  general  in  1789,  and  also  his  hope  of 
securing  a  foreign  mission.  When  Burr  and  Jefferson  were 
candidates  for  the  Presidency  in  1800,  Hamilton  threw  his  in¬ 
fluence  against  Burr  and  Jefferson  was  elected. 

During  these  fifteen  years  of  political  rivalry  Hamilton  said 
many  severe  things  of  Burr.  Bendered  desperate  by  his  sue- 


PERSONAL  TRIAL  BY  COMBAT 


339 


cessive  disappointments,  Burr  forced  a  quarrel  on  “a  trivial 
bit  of  hearsay”  in  a  letter  of  a  Dr.  Cooper.  This  went  the 
rounds  of  the  press,  stating  Hamilton  had  said  he  had  a  “des¬ 
picable”  opinion  of  Burr.  Burr  sent  his  friend  Van  Ness  with 
a  letter  demanding  Hamilton  admit  or  deny  having  expressed 
such  an  opinion.  Hamilton  declined  to  submit  to  such  a  vague 
and  sweeping  inquiry,  while  stating  his  readiness  to  avow  or 
disavow  any  specific  statement,  closing  his  letter  with  the 
formula  used  by  those  who  expected  to  accept  a  challenge  if 
tendered.  After  further  correspondence  Burr  sent  Hamilton 
a  formal  challenge,  which  was  accepted.  Hamilton  wrote  a 
statement  for  publication  after  the  meeting,  announcing  his 
religious  and  moral  opposition  to  duelling.  He  stated  he  had 
no  malice  toward  Burr,  and  accepted  the  challenge  only  be¬ 
cause  of  the  imperious  custom  which  would  destroy  his  public 
usefulness  if  he  declined.  He  added  that  he  did  not  wish  to 
kill  Burr,  and  intended  to  reserve  his  first  fire  in  the  hope 
that  it  would  induce  a  reconciliation.  If  it  did  not,  he  might 
perhaps  reserve  his  second  fire.  This  declaration,  of  course, 
was  unknown  to  the  public  or  to  Burr.  In  a  note  to  his  wife 
and  six  children  he  beseeched  their  forgiveness,  declaring  he 
was  forced  to  accept  by  public  sentiment. 

They  met  at  Weehawken,  N.  J.,  July  11,  1804.  At  the  signal 
Burr  fired,  Hamilton  sprang  convulsively  upon  his  toes,  reeled 
— at  which  moment  he  involuntarily  discharged  his  pistol — 
and  then  fell  forward  upon  his  face  and  remained  motionless. 
His  ball  rustled  the  branches  seven  feet  above  the  head  of  his 
antagonist  and  four  feet  wide  of  him.  Hearing  it.  Burr  looked 
up  to  see  it  had  severed  a  twig.  Seeing  Hamilton  falling,  he 
advanced  with  a  manner  and  gesture  expressive  of  regret,  but, 
urged  from  the  field  by  his  friends,  without  speaking  he  turned 
about  and  withdrew. 

Public  indignation  in  New  York  became  violent.  The  grand 
jury  found  a  true  bill  against  Burr  and  the  Vice-President  of 
the  United  States  fled  the  jurisdiction  of  his  State. 

During  his  remaining  thirty-two  years,  he  gradually  lost  the 


340 


THIRD  PERIOD 


confidence  of  his  countrymen.  With  no  hope  of  achieving 
former  ambitions,  he  formed  the  ill-fated  expedition  in  the 
West  known  as  Burr’s  Conspiracy,  planning  to  abandon  or 
dismember  his  own  country  and  make  a  conquest  in  Mexico. 
He  died  in  1836  at  the  age  of  eighty,  despised  throughout  the 
United  States. 


Baron  and  Decatur 

Baron  and  Decatur  were  both  advocates  of  the  duello. 

While  in  command  of  the  U.  S.  Frigate  Chesapeake  off  i 
Hampton  Roads,  in  time  of  peace,  Baron  was  hailed  by  Cap-  ‘ 
tain  S.  P.  Humphreys,  commanding  the  British  Frigate  < 
Leopard,  and  ordered  to  lie  to  and  deliver  over  alleged  desert¬ 
ers  on  board  the  Chesapeake.  His  brother  officers  accused 
him  of  failing  to  make  preparations  to  defend  his  frigate  when 
he  was  attacked  and  compelled  to  surrender  to  Captain 
Humphreys. 

Baron  called  for  a  court  of  inquiry.  Decatur  was  a  member  t 
of  the  subsequent  court  martial,  although  junior  to  Baron.  | 
Before  the  court  martial  was  sworn,  Decatur  advised  Baron  i 
that  he  felt  prejudiced  against  him  and  feared  he  could  not  i 
do  him  justice,  suggesting  Baron  exercise  his  right  to  object  j 
to  being  tried  by  him.  Baron  declined,  and  Decatur  reluc¬ 
tantly  sat  on  the  court,  which  suspended  Baron  for  five  years. 
This  he  took  much  to  heart,  making  frequent  applications  for  < 
reinstatement.  One  of  these  applications  passed  through  j 
Decatur’s  hands.  When  he  could  not  recommend  Baron’s  : 
reinstatement,  Baron  took  offense  and  threatened  a  challenge.  I 
Decatur  replied  that  he  felt  no  animosity  toward  Baron,  but 
had  made  his  endorsement  through  a  conscientious  conviction 
of  duty.  He  hoped  Baron  would  not  resort  to  extremes,  but, 
if  he  did,  would  feel  bound  to  accommodate  him.  Baron 
responded  with  a  formal  challenge,  which  Decatur  accepted. 

Just  before  they  were  placed  in  position,  Baron  remarked, 
“Commodore  Decatur,  I  hope  when  we  meet  in  another  world 
we  will  be  better  friends.” 


PERSONAL  TRIAL  BY  COMBAT 


341 


Decatur  promptly  replied,  “I  have  never  been  your  enemy.” 

The  distance  was  ten  paces.  Both  were  excellent  shots,  and 
firing  simultaneously,  both  fell,  Baron  seriously,  and  Decatur 
fatally  wounded. 

Baron  lived  thirty  years,  becoming  the  senior  officer  of  the 
navy,  but  he  never  wholly  reinstated  himself  in  the  good  opin¬ 
ion  of  either  his  brother  officers  or  the  people  of  his  country. 


Graves  and  Cilley 

Graves  and  Cilley  were  congressmen  from  Kentucky  and 
Maine,  respectively.  Cilley,  in  debate  in  the  House,  reflected 
on  the  character  of  Mr.  Webb,  editor  of  the  New  York  Courier 
and  Inquirer,  who  sent  a  note  hv  his  friend  Graves  demanding 
an  explanation.  Not  wanting  a  controversy  with  Webb,  Cilley 
declined  to  receive  the  note,  expressing  his  high  respect  for 
Graves.  According,  however,  to  the  duellists’  hair-line  theory 
of  honor,  Cilley’s  refusal  to  receive  the  note  from  Graves  im¬ 
plied  a  reflection  upon  the  latter  and  after  some  correspon¬ 
dence  Graves  sent  a  challenge  to  Cilley,  which  he  accepted. 

They  met  on  the  road  to  Marlborough,  Maryland,  Graves 
attended  by  Mr.  Wise,  his  second,  and  Cilley  by  his  friend, 
Mr.  Jones.  The  weapons  were  rifles,  the  distance  about  92 
yards.  They  exchanged  two  shots  without  effect.  After  each 
shot  efforts  were  made  to  reach  an  accommodation,  thwarted 
by  Graves  and  his  seconds.  After  the  second.  Graves  said,  “I 
must  have  another  shot,”  and  asked  Wise  to  prevent  a  pro¬ 
longation  of  the  affair  by  proposing  closer  quarters,  if  they 
missed  repeatedly.  But  at  the  third  shot,  Cilley  dropped  his 
rifle,  cried,  “I  am  shot,”  put  both  hands  to  his  wound,  fell, 
and  in  two  or  three  minutes  expired,  shot  through  the  body. 

The  committee  of  seven  appointed  by  the  House  of  Bepre- 
sentatives  to  investigate  this  affair  reported  that  early  on  the 
day  on  which  Cilley  met  his  unfortunate  end,  James  Watson 
Webb,  Daniel  Jackson,  and  William  II.  Morell  agreed  to  arm, 
repair  to  Cilley’s  rooms  and  force  him  to  fight  Webb  with 


342 


THIRD  PERIOD 


pistols  on  the  spot,  or  pledge  his  word  to  give  Webb  a  meeting 
before  he  did  Graves.  If  Cilley  would  do  neither,  they  agreed 
to  shatter  his  right  arm. 

Finding  Cilley  was  not  at  his  lodgings,  they  went  to  Bladens- 
burg,  where  it  was  said  the  duel  was  to  take  place.  It  was 
agreed  that  Webb  would  approach  Cilley,  claim  the  quarrel, 
insist  on  fighting  him  and  assure  him  if  he  aimed  at  Graves, 
Webb  would  shoot  him.  Not  finding  the  party  at  Bladensburg, 
they  returned  to  the  city  to  await  the  result  of  the  duel.  A 
statement  drawn  up  by  Webb,  signed  by  Jackson  and  Morell, 
and  published  in  the  New  York  Courier  and  Inquirer,  says: 
“It  is  unnecessary  to  add  what  would  have  been  the  course  of 
Colonel  Webb  if  Mr.  Graves,  instead  of  Mr.  Cilley,  had  been 
injured.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  it  was  sanctioned  by  us  and, 
however  much  we  deplore  it,  we  could  not  doubt  but  the  extra¬ 
ordinary  position  in  which  he  would  have  been  placed  would 
have  warranted  the  course  determined  upon.”  It  is  difficult 
to  imagine  what  is  here  darkly  shadowed,  if  it  be  not  that, 
had  Cilley  survived  the  encounter  with  Graves,  and  had  the 
latter  suffered  it,  it  would  then  have  been  Cilley’s  fate  to  have 
encountered  an  assassin. 

A  prominent  politician,  Graves  never  fully  recovered  from 
his  countrymen’s  universal  condemnation  of  the  killing  of 
Cilley,  who  had  tried  in  every  honorable  way  to  avoid  the 
meeting.  He  did  not  die  in  as  great  disgrace  as  other  duellists, 
but  the  affair  marred  his  career. 

Terry  and  Broderick 

Terry  was  an  advocate  of  the  duello.  Broderick  had  previ¬ 
ously  fought  with  a  Mr.  Smith. 

Terry  from  Texas,  Broderick  from  New  York,  went  to  Cali¬ 
fornia  as  Forty-Niners. 

Both  rose  to  prominence  in  politics.  Terry  became  Chief 
Justice  of  the  State,  and  Broderick  a  senator  in  Congress. 
Later  they  became  political  adversaries,  Terry  pro-slavery  and 
Broderick  anti-slavery. 


PERSONAL  TRIAL  BY  COMBAT 


343 


While  at  breakfast  in  a  San  Francisco  hotel,  Broderick  read 
an  address  Terry  had  delivered  in  Sacramento.  Angered  by 
something  Terry  had  said,  he  remarked  to  a  friend,  “I  have 
said  that  I  considered  him  the  only  honest  man  on  the  supreme 
bench,  but  now  I  take  it  all  back.”  A  Mr.  Perley,  an  English 
subject,  asked  Broderick  if  he  meant  Terry.  Being  answered 
“yes”  he  at  once  resented  the  reflection  on  Terry.  Broderick 
cut  him  short  with  some  curt  remark,  whereupon  Perley  chal¬ 
lenged  Broderick,  but  the  latter  declined  because  of  the  polit¬ 
ical  canvass  then  in  progress.  On  September  7,  1859,  Brod¬ 
erick’s  party  was  overwhelmingly  defeated,  and  he  emerged 
from  the  contest  dispirited  and  in  ill  health.  As  soon  as  Terry 
knew  the  result  of  the  election,  he  tendered  his  resignation  as 
chief  justice  and  sent  Broderick  a  note  by  his  friend  Benham, 
demanding  a  retraction  of  the  remarks  overheard  by  Perley. 
Admitting  the  words,  Broderick  observed  Terry  was  “the  best 
judge  as  to  whether  this  language  affords  good  grounds  for 
offense.”  Terry  sent  a  formal  challenge  by  Benham,  which 
Broderick  accepted,  and  on  September  13th  they  met. 

Terry  had  passed  a  comfortable  night,  but  Broderick’s 
friends  had  taken  him  to  a  house  where  he  got  little  rest,  and 
he  came  on  the  field  unrefreshed  and  without  even  a  cup  of 
coffee.  The  pistols  had  very  delicate  hair  triggers,  and  Terry 
had  practiced  with  them.  They  were  strange  to  Broderick, 
and  he  had  difficulty  in  handling  them.  When,  according  to 
the  custom,  the  seconds  searched  both,  McKibben,  Broderick’s 
second,  merely  touched  Terry’s  vest.  But  Benham  manipu¬ 
lated  his  hands  up  and  down  Broderick’s  person  as  though  he 
thought  to  discover  a  coat  of  mail.  This  annoyed  Broderick 
at  a  time  when  he  needed  to  be  calm.  When  word  was  given, 
Broderick  fired  and  missed.  Then  Terry  took  deliberate  aim 
and  Broderick  fell,  fatally  wounded. 

The  day  of  Broderick’s  funeral  public  sentiment  changed 
suddenly  in  the  late  senator’s  favor,  and  against  Terry.  He 
lost  standing  in  his  party,  and  although  a  great  lawyer  and  a 
universally  popular  man,  became  something  of  an  outcast  in 


344 


THIRD  PERIOD 


California.  He  was  indicted,  but  the  case  was  transferred  to 
another  court  and  dismissed. 

His  end  was  violent.  He  had  harbored  resentment  against 
Stephen  J.  Field,  Associate  Justice  of  the  United  States  Su¬ 
preme  Court,  for  a  certain  decision  unfavorable  to  Terry’s 
wife,  widely  known  as  Sarah  Althea  Hill,  and  also  because  i 
he  had  not  hesitated  to  send  both  Terry  and  his  wife  to  jail 
for  resisting  and  assaulting  a  United  States  marshal  in  open 
court.  Field’s  friends  were  informed  that  Terry  threatened 
violence,  and  when  Field  returned  to  California  after  Terry’s 
release  from  jail  he  was  accompanied  by  a  deputy  marshal 
as  body  guard.  Terry  sought  Field,  entered  a  restaurant  where 
Field  was  seated,  walked  directly  back  of  him  and  struck  the 
venerable  justice  in  the  face.  Nagle,  the  body  guard,  shot 
Terry,  who  died  instantly. 

These  four  duels  are  mentioned  here  because  they  involved 
citizens  of  the  highest  prominence.  They  proved  clearly  to 
the  American  people  that  King  Gundobald’s  law  that  “Provi¬ 
dence  awards  the  victory  to  the  juster  cause”  was  wholly 
untenable. 

After  the  Burr-Hamilton  affair  severe  laws  were  passed 
against  duelling;  but  the  influence  and  power  of  its  advocates 
rendered  it  difficult  to  get  an  indictment  from  a  grand  jury  or 
a  conviction  from  a  petit  jury.  After  the  Terrv-Broderick 
duel,  however,  it  became  easy,  and  so  many  convictions  were 
obtained  that  this  mode  of  trial  was  permanently  banished 
from  America.  Today  no  one  could  give  better  evidence  of 
unrighteous  and  murderous  intentions  than  to  challenge  an¬ 
other  to  trial  by  combat. 

It  should  not  be  difficult  to  draw  an  analogy  between  this 
barbarous  and  cruel  method  of  trying  so-called  non-justiciable 
cases  and  that  of  the  great  and  powerful  nations,  which  make 
the  same  false  claim  that  differences  between  them  are  non- 
justiciable  and  only  to  be  settled  by  trial  by  combat. 

If,  as  the  world  has  decided,  cpiestions  of  honor  between 
individuals  are  justiciable,  it  must  also  be  true  that  no  ques¬ 
tion  of  honor  between  nations  is  non-justiciable. 


345 


National  Trial  by  Combat 

Of  the  present  war,  I  want  to  record  my  conviction  that,  as 
we  are  in  it,  whether  wisely  or  no,  it  is  the  duty  of  every 
American  to  help  prosecute  it  with  ail  his  abilities  until  peace 
is  attained. 

But  of  war  in  general,  I  have  much  to  say.  As  personal 
trial  by  combat  has  disappeared  from  all  civilized  lands,  so 
national  trial  by  combat  will,  I  believe,  be  abolished  by  force 
of  public  opinion,  at  no  very  distant  date. 

The  manner  in  which  this,  the  greatest  of  all  reforms,  can 
best  be  brought  about  has  been  with  me  a  matter  of  the  great¬ 
est  interest,  to  which  I  have  given  much  reflection. 

My  profession,  and  Nannie’s  attachment  to  it  and  to  me,  led 
us  to  see  more  of  humanity  than  falls  to  the  lot  of  most.  We 
lived  in  almost  every  State  and  Territory  in  the  Union,  and  in 
several  foreign  countries,  mingling  with  many  races.  We 
knew  the  negro,  a  short  time  as  slaves,  but  for  over  fifty  years 
emerged  from  bondage,  as  household  help,  as  soldiers  and  as 
citizens.  We  learned  their  racial  instincts,  hopes,  aspirations 
and  ambitions.  As  closely,  in  service  with  and  over  them,  we 
knew  the  wild  Indians.  We  knew  closely  and  intimately,  both 
officially  and  in  private  life,  the  misunderstood  Mexicans,  and 
the  Chinese  and  Japanese;  who  are  so  misunderstood  by  our 
own  people. 

This  intercourse  with  many  races  taught  us  that  men  in 
their  instincts,  hopes,  ambitions,  passions  and  dislikes  are 
much  the  same  the  world  over,  and  that  no  race  or  nation  can 
claim  any  very  great  superiority  over  any  other.  In  the  in¬ 
herent  desire  to  be  of  use,  all  have  practically  the  same  good 
purposes  as  far  as  environment  will  permit,  and  as  it  is  given 
them  to  see.  Those  whose  efforts  win  greater  academic  civili¬ 
zation  and  consequently  greater  power  often  develop  a  mis¬ 
taken  sense  of  duty  to  compel  less  fortunate  neighbors  to  take 
on  suddenly  that  state  of  civilization  and  progress  they  have 
been  thousands  of  years  in  acquiring,  arguing  that  it  is  “Mani- 


346 


THIRD  PERIOD 


fest  Destiny'’  that  they  could  do  better  with  these  people  and 
their  belongings  than  they  could  do  themselves.  It  is  a  short 
step  to  the  further  mistaken  doctrine  that  “The  End  Justifies 
the  Means,”  and  the  means  is  always  conquest  and  subjuga-  i 
tion  by  the  doctrine  that  “Might  Makes  Right” 

This  logic  consolidated  the  different  German  nations  into 
one  central  power,  and,  under  the  present  Kaiser,  organized  a 
militarism  for  the  purpose  of  conquering  and  subjugating  the 
world.  Hannibal,  Alexander,  Caesar  and  Spain’s  rulers,  accom¬ 
plished  and  maintained  wicked  and  tyrannous  powers  for  an 
average  of  300  years.  When  oppression  became  unbearable, 
their  subjects  freed  themselves  by  bloody  rebellions. 

Lately  England  (by  destroying  the  Spanish  Armada  and 
building  one  of  her  own)  began  ruling  all  the  seas  and  straits 
of  the  world,  its  commerce  and  trade  “by  orders  in  council,” 
confiscating  the  mail,  censoring  the  news  of  the  world,  and 
is  no  less  arbitrary  in  controlling  the  sea  and  commerce  by 
navalism  than  those  who  controlled  the  land  by  militarism. 

England,  however,  during  the  last  three  hundred  years,  has 
been  more  beneficent  and  benevolent  than  any  of  her  prede¬ 
cessors.  The  best  ruler  the  world  has  ever  had,  she  abandoned 
to  some  extent  her  right  to  rule  the  land  by  allying  herself 
with  some  of  the  most  powerful  nations  of  the  world,  while  i 
maintaining  rule  of  the  seas  by  overwhelming  navalism. 

Though  we  are  now  her  ally,  Americans  should  ponder  well 
what  our  position  in  the  world  will  be  after  the  present  war. 

Flags  of  truce,  if  they  should  appear  today,  would  find 
about  40  millions  of  soldiers  of  the  seventeen  combative 
nations  in  arms,  who  have  taken  captive,  in  fair  proportion, 
some  4,500,000  prisoners,  who  are  now  face  to  face  with  their 
captors,  learning  each  other’s  language,  their  hopes,  and  aspira¬ 
tions  and  arguing,  none  altogether  without  reason,  their  aims 
in  the  war. 

This,  like  the  conditions  of  our  own  Civil  War,  presents  the 
grandest  peace  table  ever  known  to  history,  all  having  been 
eye  witnesses,  and  for  the  most  part,  unwilling  participants  in 
the  despotic  cruelties,  participated  in  more  or  less  by  all  the 


NATIONAL  TRIAL  BY  COMBAT 


347 


armies,  formulating  an  enduring  peace  without  vainglorious 
victory  in  contradistinction  to  their  secretive,  vengeful  rulers, 
the  politicians  and  diplomats  who  would  have  no  peace  with¬ 
out  vainglorious  victory. 

In  the  years  to  come,  these  unseltish  arbitrators  may  prevail 
and  establish  the  principles  of  a  democratic  peace  and  a  con¬ 
federacy  of  the  world’s  nations  to  control  it.  This  must  come 
not  only  on  land,  but  on  all  the  seas  and  straits  and  in  com¬ 
merce,  for  a  democratic  peace  is  just  as  necessary  for  the  bet¬ 
terment  of  humanity  on  the  seas  as  on  the  land.  An  oligarchal 
government  of  the  seas  and  straits  is  just  as  detrimental  to  the 
peace  and  prosperity  of  the  world  as  an  oligarchal  government 
anywhere  else.  In  the  face  of  a  peace  of  this  character  insin¬ 
cere  and  unrighteous  formulations  will  melt  away  as  did  those 
of  the  politicians,  diplomats,  carpetbaggers  and  Ku  Klux  before 
the  well  formed  judgment  of  the  “Blue  and  the  Gray”  engaged 
in  our  Civil  War  by  which  we  were  enabled  to  establish  an 
enduring  peace  without  vainglorious  victory. 

Peace  will  leave  at  least  40  millions  of  the  most  efficient 
small  arms  ever  known,  probably  10  million  machine  guns  of 
the  same  character;  three  hundred  thousand  cannon,  large  and 
small;  thousands  of  war-ships,  all  with  corresponding  muni¬ 
tions  and  equipments  for  which  the  world  will  then  have 
little  use. 

Peace  will  find  most  of  these  soldiers  with  three  or  four 
times  their  number  employed  as  accessories  to  the  army,  dis¬ 
charged  without  vocation,  and,  perhaps,  100  million  expatri¬ 
ated  citizens,  poor,  helpless  and  starving  men,  women  and 
children,  wandering  on  the  face  of  the  earth.  All  these  sev¬ 
eral  hundred  millions  must  be  provided  for  in  food,  shelter 
and  raiment.  How  to  do  it  will  be  the  greatest  problem  man¬ 
kind  has  ever  faced. 

The  bonded  indebtedness  of  the  world  is,  perhaps,  today 
100  billions,  and  after  flags  of  truce  are  flying,  it  will  neces¬ 
sitate,  perhaps,  one  or  two  years  to  compose  a  satisfactory 
peace  among  the  many  nations  at  war;  so,  that  before  it  will 
be  practicable  to  disarm  and  free  these  hundreds  of  millions 


348 


THIRD  PERIOD 


of  unemployed,  the  bonded  indebtedness  will  probably  increase 
to  200  billions.  If  it  be  attempted  to  enforce  the  punitive  doc¬ 
trine  that  “to  the  victors  belong  the  spoils,”  it  is  obvious  that 
it  would  be  wholly  impossible  for  the  victors  to  maintain  these 
bonds  and  maintain  their  national  armies  necessary  to  enforce 
reparations  and  indemnities,  and  the  world  would  be  com¬ 
pelled  to  face  at  least  a  partial  repudiation.  It  would  take 
hundreds  of  years  for  the  vanquished  to  indemnify  and  repair, 
and  hundreds  of  billions  to  support  the  necessary  armies  to 
enforce  the  penalties.  Whereas,  if  the  individual  nations  could 
be  relieved  of  the  support  of  armies  and  navies,  they  could 
readily  indemnify  and  restore  themselves  in  twenty  years,  and 
advantageously  charge  the  expense  to  “Profit  and  Loss.” 

To  palliate  and  partially  remedy  this  distressing  situation, 
three  courses  may  be  presented  to  the  American  people: 

First.  An  alliance  with  the  victorious  nations  claiming  new=  < 
found  democratic  emperors  by  Divine  right  (hereditary  royal 
families,  lords  and  nobles),  for  the  future  preservation  of  the 
peace  of  the  world.  Such  an  alliance  could  hardly  prove  more 
successful  in  the  future  than  similar  alliances  have  proven  in  the 
past,  and  would  only  engender  and  breed  similar  opposing  alli= 
ances  in  a  comparatively  short  space  of  time,  probably  embrac= 
ing  the  yellow  races,  which  would  produce  a  similar  world  war, 
besides  which  it  would  make  “scraps  of  paper”  of  our  Constitution 
framed  by  Washington,  Jefferson,  and  Franklin,  and  Lincoln’s  i 
government  “of  the  people,  by  the  people  and  for  the  people.” 

Second.  Apparently  a  better  remedy:  a  policy  of  isolation 
carried  out  by  building  ships  for  coast  defense  only,  by  girding 
our  seacoast  and  our  international  borders  with  a  broad  gauge 
national  railway,  capable  of  carrying  the  heaviest  ordnance  and 
transporting  strong  armies  rapidly;  by  building  emplacements, 
magazines  and  trenches,  and  manufacturing  and  storing  at 
strategic  points  heavy  artillery,  small  arms,  ammunition  and 
equipment  for  at  least  two  million  men;  forming  a  regular  army 
of  several  hundred  thousand  men  with  pay  equal  to,  or  even 
greater,  than  that  of  other  government  employees,  to  serve  but 
one  short  enlistment.  When  thoroughly  trained  and  disciplined, 


NATIONAL  TRIAL  BY  COMBAT 


349 


they  would  be  returned  to  civil  life  subject  to  call  in  an  emer= 
gency.  This  in  a  few  years  would  provide  several  million 
efficient  soldiers.  With  the  present  airplane  scouts  the  approach 
of  any  foe  could  be  detected  and  announced  so  as  to  assemble 
an  army  either  on  the  land  or  seashore  that  would  destroy  any 
possible  force  that  could  approach  us.  America  is  better  situated 
for  such  isolation  than  any  other  quarter  of  the  globe  that 
nature  has  given  to  a  homogeneous  people,  because  we  produce 
all  the  necessities  of  life.  The  rest  of  the  world  would  be  obliged 
to  make  terms  with  us  for  the  necessities  they  can  not  live  with= 
out,  of  which  fact  this  war  is  a  perfect  exemplification. 

Third.  Certainly  the  most  promising  and  feasible  course,  if 
the  tyranny  of  the  world’s  custom  can  be  overcome  as  it  has 
been  in  personal  trial  by  combat,  is  to  federate  all  the  nations 
of  the  world  under  a  constitution  similar  to  the  constitution 
of  the  original  thirteen  States,  now  the  greatest  nation  in  the 
world,  and  that  of  the  Swiss  cantons,  now  the  oldest  funda= 
mentally  unchanged  government  in  the  world. 

Th  is  plan  ought  to  be  offered  at  the  coming  peace  table  with 
the  United  States  a  controlling  factor  in  its  accomplishment. 
We  will  be  stronger,  less  impoverished,  less  distressed  and  less 
bitterly  antagonistic  than  any  of  the  other  warring  nations, 
with  a  President  capable  of  leading  his  people,  known  to  be 
in  sympathy  with  control  of  the  world’s  peace. 

A  spontaneous  cail  from  the  peace  societies  of  America  is 
suggested  for  a  convention  of  all  the  nations  of  the  earth  having 
a  population  of  three  million  or  more,  with  a  democratic  or  re= 
publican  government  with  powers  derived  from  the  consent  of 
the  governed,  to  consider  a  confederacy  of  the  world’s  nations, 
to  which  all  should  be  invited  to  enter  by  “knocking  at  the  door,” 
and  subscribing  to  the  constitution  then  to  be  formed. 

That  the  nations  so  confederated  should  take  over  all  the  seas, 
the  Straits  of  Gibraltar,  the  Dardanelles,  those  at  Dover  and 
Calais,  those  between  Japan  and  Korea  and  the  Panama  Canal, 
together  with  adequate  adjacent  lands,  and  build  tunnels  there= 
under  and  maintain  them  free  to  the  passage  of  persons  and 
property  of  all  nations  save  those  who  may  fair  to  confederate. 

That  this  confederacy  should  have  as  its  main  feature  the 


350 


THIRD  PERIOD 


establishment  of  an  itinerant  arbitral  government  with,  perhaps, 
five  capitals,  say,  at  these  straits  so  taken  over. 

The  world  government  should  consist  of  a  Congress  of  not 
over  two  senators  from  each  nation,  and  not  over  four  hundred 
representatives,  proportioned  to  the  population  of  each  nation, 
selected  in  the  constitutional  manner  of  each  nation.  The  gov¬ 
ernment  should  be  executive,  legislative  and  judicial ;  the  executive 
chosen  by  the  Senate,  to  choose  his  cabinet  from  the  Senate. 
All  government  officers  would  serve  a  limited  number  of  years, 
save  the  judges,  who  would  serve  for  life.  The  government  to 
sit  five  years  at  each  capital  in  turn. 

That  the  nations  so  confederated  should  take  over,  intern  and 
maintain  in  approximate  equal  portions  at  the  five  mentioned 
points,  all  instrumentalities  of  the  nations  confederated  for  the 
destruction  of  life  and  property  in  international  wars,  not  neces¬ 
sary  for  the  preservation  of  law  and  order  within  the  respective 
nations,  or,  required  by  the  police  force  of  the  confederacy  to 
guarantee  to  nations  confederated,  free  passage  through  all  the 
seas,  straits,  canals  and  tunnels  under  its  control,  of  all  persons, 
ships  and  commerce. 

That  the  National  police  collect  from  nations  who  fail  to  con¬ 
federate  a  toll  at  least  equal  to  their  proportion  of  the  total 
expenses  of  the  confederated  administration. 

That  each  nation  reciprocally  with  others,  control  within  their 
own  borders,  citizenship,  migration,  emigration,  taxation,  militia 
and  police  for  the  preservation  and  maintenance  of  their  laws, 
but  no  nation,  whether  of  the  confederacy  or  not  to  be  permitted 
to  have  armed  vessels  at  sea. 

Any  nation,  whether  a  member  of  the  confederacy  or  not, 
would  have  the  right  to  present  a  grievance,  if  it  agreed  to  abide 
the  decision  of  the  confederacy’s  court.  No  nation,  whether  of 
the  confederacy  or  not,  would  be  allowed  to  disturb  the  peace 
of  the  world  by  entering  into  war  with  any  other  nation  without 
first  presenting  its  grievance  to  the  world’s  court  and  obtaining 
permission  therefrom. 

Nations,  like  individuals,  often  have  wrongs  without  adequate 
remedies,  which  are  better  served  to  the  general  good  by  waiv¬ 
ing  them  to  other  nations  as  individuals  do  to  their  communities. 


Honolulu 


In  1915  Nannie  and  I  spent  some  time  at  the  exposition  at 
San  Francisco.  Previous  visits  to  many  other  international 
expositions  enabled  us  intelligently  to  understand  the  supe¬ 
riorities  of  the  various  exhibits.  We  thought  the  best  showing, 
outside  of  our  own  country,  was  made  by  Canada,  the  next 
best  by  Germany,  and  the  third  best  by  the  Japanese. 

From  there  we  went  to  Honolulu,  spending  a  month  in  the 
most  interesting  island  of  Oahu.  Stopping  at  the  Moana  Hotel, 
we  enjoyed  our  visit  there  perhaps  as  well  as  any  we  ever 
made.  Numerous  friends,  our  favorite  nephew,  Captain  Carl 
Anson  Martin,  with  his  interesting  wife,  Agnes,  among  them, 
showed  us  many  courtesies.  We  visited  every  place  of  inter¬ 
est,  and  particularly  enjoyed  watching  the  wonderful  surf 
riding.  Many  journeys  in  the  mountains  showed  us  the  sea 
from  all  directions.  Captain  Martin  took  us  to  Tantalus  Beach, 
where,  though  we  were  old  people,  we  were  able  to  climb  five 
hundred  feet  of  the  ruggedest  part  of  Tantalus,  a  mountain 
some  twenty-five  hundred  feet  high,  with  the  younger  ones. 
I  believe  Nannie  was  as  strong  and  vigorous  and  enjoyed  her 
outing  as  much  as  she  did  forty  years  before. 

The  island  has  a  population  of  about  one  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand,  only  seven  per  cent  native  Americans,  the  rest 
Chinese,  Japanese  and  Portuguese.  The  original  Hawaiians 
have  practically  disappeared  from  the  earth  as  a  result  of 
so-called  missionary  efforts  to  Christianize  them  by  presenting 
them  with  a  Bible  with  the  right  hand  and  a  bottle  of  rum 
with  the  left. 

This  mixed  population  presents  a  most  embarrassing  prob¬ 
lem.  Race  prejudices  of  the  few  Americans  who  claim  to 
control  officially,  politically,  and  socially  the  destiny  of  the 
island  will  not  permit  them  to  allow  their  children  to  attend 
the  very  efficient  public  schools.  This  creates  classes  as  in 
England  and  other  autocratic  nations.  By  separation  of  grow- 


352 


THIRD  PERIOD 


ing  citizens,  division  of  the  people  against  their  so-called 
American  rulers  will  soon  result.  People  of  alien  nationalities, 
estranged  from  their  rulers,  will  hardly  help  maintain  our 
government.  Although  I  have  never  seen  our  other  insular 
possessions,  I  fear  the  same  danger  and  embarrassment 
regarding  the  perpetuity  of  the  republic  exists  there  also. 

Hawaii  has  a  most  interesting  museum  presided  over  by  i 
Professor  William  T.  Brigham,  of  Boston,  a  man  of  about  my  i 
age,  who  has  spent  most  of  his  life  on  the  island.  He  told  us  I 
much  of  interest  about  the  climate,  animals,  flowers,  shrubbery 
and  forests.  On  the  Boundary  Commission  I  learned  to  deter¬ 
mine  the  age  of  trees  by  their  girdles  of  growth,  caused  by 
the  frost  driving  the  sap  down  during  the  winter.  I  asked 
Professor  Brigham  whether  in  a  tropical  torrid  climate  where 
there  was  no  return  of  sap  to  the  earth  these  girdles  existed. 
He  showed  me  a  cut  from  a  large  tree  with  its  cross  section 
polished,  showing  no  sign  of  girdles.  The  growth  is  constant 
and  solid. 

On  returning  to  the  States  we  spent  some  time  with  our  old  i 
friends  in  El  Paso.  In  recognition  of  the  part  we  had  played 
in  the  development  of  the  city,  the  city  council  changed  the  i 
name  of  St.  Louis  Street,  in  front  of  our  building,  to  Mills 
Street,  a  monument  to  our  name  which  will  outlast  the 
building. 


353 


Conclusion 

Our  last  visit  to  El  Paso  was  on  March  3,  1917,  when  Nannie, 
Constance  and  I  went  there  to  meet  Captain  Overton,  who  had 
been  in  San  Francisco  on  business.  We  stayed  for  a  few  days 
with  our  good  friends,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  H.  B.  Stevens.  While  in 
El  Paso  I  had  ptomaine  poisoning,  and  was  in  great  pain 
and  very  miserable  for  most  of  the  visit.  Nannie  was  greatly 
distressed,  and  worried  about  me  both  there  and  on  the 
journey  home.  I  completely  recovered,  but  only  seventeen 
days  after  reaching  Washington  Nannie  was  taken  suddenly 
ill  with  angina  pectoris,  and,  after  a  month’s  suffering,  died 
on  May  14,  1917. 

Until  this  last  illness  she  had  always  been  well  and  very 
active,  taking  great  interest  in  her  home  and  spending  much 
time  and  thought  on  doing  good  to  her  many  relatives  and 
friends.  She  had  no  inordinate  love  of  life,  but  often  expressed 
the  fear  that  she  might  outlive  her  health  and  strength  and 
become  a  care  to  others.  Among  her  last  words  to  me  were, 
“Anson,  I  wanted  to  live  four  or  five  years  more,  as  there  are 
some  things  I  hoped  to  do.” 

The  End 

“How  strange  it  seems,  with  so  much  gone 
Of  life  and  love,  to  still  live  on.” 


/ 


APPENDIX 


The  Organization  and  Administration  of  the  United  States 

Army 

Address  before  the  Society  of  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland 

Address  before  the  Order  of  Indian  Wars,  on  “The  Hattie 

of  the  Rosebud” 

Address  before  the  Order  of  Indian  Wars,  by  General 

Charles  King. 


357 


THE  ORGANIZATION  AND  ADMINISTRATION  OF  THE 
UNITED  STATES  ARMY 

January  22,  1897 

A  partial  course  at  the  Military  Academy,  four  years’  experi¬ 
ence  as  a  citizen  of  Texas — there  in  contact  with  the  Army 
during  its  sorest  trials — and  a  service  of  thirty-six  years  as  a 
commissioned  officer  both  in  the  Cavalry  and  Infantry  (in  the 
field  without  leave  or  sickness  during  the  War)  and  at  twenty- 
five  separate  and  independent  posts  during  the  subsequent 
years,  with  a  fair  share  in  Indian  campaigns  of  this  latter 
period,  has  convinced  me — against  my  will  and  inclination — - 
that  the  Army  is  not  now  and  never  has  been  organized  or 
administered  in  its  own  interests,  the  interests  of  the  people, 
nor  in  harmony  with  the  other  institutions  (national,  state, 
or  corporate)  of  the  Republic. 

These  pages  are  written  with  a  view  of  making  as  full  and 
free  criticism  and  exposition  of  the  faults  and  errors  as  they 
>  have  occurred  to  me,  and  the  remedies  as  they  have  suggested 
themselves,  as  is  proper  for  me  to  do  under  paragraph  5  of 
the  Army  Regulations,  with  the  full  knowledge  that  the  role  of 
the  innovator  or  reformer  is  generally  obnoxious  to  mankind, 
io  given  to  the  worship  of  ancestral  methods  in  all  the  affairs 
i  of  life,  but  more  markedly,  perhaps,  in  the  profession  of  arms, 
•  the  very  mission  of  which  is  to  maintain  the  order  of  things  as 
they  exist,  so  that  at  present  I  can  hardly  hope  to  have  the 
support  of  perhaps  even  a  majority  of  my  brother  officers,  for 
he  reason  that  they  are  supposed  (erroneously,  I  think)  to  be 
he  beneficiaries  of  the  system  and  methods  here  assailed. 

With  this  prelude  and  the  faithful  promise  to  “Nothing 
extenuate  nor  set  down  aught  in  malice,”  I  will  proceed  with 
ny  theme  without  apology. 

A  careful  study  of  the  history  of  our  country  will  show  that 
leither  the  great  patriots  and  statesmen  who  founded  and 


358 


APPENDIX 


secured  our  liberties,  nor  those  who  have  followed  and  main¬ 
tained  them,  have  ever  at  any  time  seriously  considered  the 
subject  of  a  permanent  military  establishment,  save  to  declare 
in  the  Constitution  “ That  Congress  shall  have  power  *  *  *- 

to  raise  and  support  armies,”  and  that  “a  well  regulated  militia 
is  necessary  to  the  security  of  a  free  State,”  and  providing  at 
various  and  sundry  times  to  this  date  by  legislative  enactments 
for  the  enrollment  of  “ every  male  citizen  between  the  ages 
of  eighteen  and  forty-five”  as  the  well  regulated  militia,  and 
that  each  citizen  so  enrolled  “shall  within  six  months  there¬ 
after  provide  himself  with  a  good  musket  or  firelock,  a 
sufficient  bayonet  and  belt,  two  spare  flints,  and  a  knapsack, 1 
a  pouch,  with  a  box  therein  to  contain  not  less  than  twenty- 
four  cartridges,  suited  to  the  bore  of  the  musket  or  firelock, 
each  cartridge  to  contain  the  proper  quantity  of  powder  and 
ball;  or,  with  a  good  rifle,  knapsack,  shot  pouch  and  powder 
horn,  twenty  balls,  suited  to  the  bore  of  his  rifle,  and  a 
quarter  of  a  pound  of  powder;  and  shall  appear,  so  armed 
and  accoutred,  and  provided,  when  called  out  into  exercise, 
or  into  service;  *  *  *  that  commissioned  officers  shall, 

severally,  be  armed  with  a  sword  or  hanger,*  and  a  spontoon; 
and  that  from  and  after  five  years  from  the  passage  of  this 
act,  all  muskets  for  arming  the  militia,  as  herein  required,  shah 
be  of  bores  sufficient  for  balls  of  the  eighteenth  part  of  a 
pound,”  and  “for  making  farther  and  more  effectual  provisions 
for  the  protection  of  the  frontiers  of  the  United  States.” 

In  carrying  out  these  projects  they  adopted  for  the  govern¬ 
ment  of  the  troops  so  authorized,  with  very  little  alteration, 
the  Articles  of  War,  Regulations,  Pay  and  Allowances,  and 
Systems  of  Organization,  with  the  Laws,  written  and  unwritten, 
then  in  force  in  Great  Britain;  and  in  the  main  the  military 
establishment  of  the  United  States  for  both  Regulars  and 
Militia  so  remains  to  the  present  day. 

Jefferson  and  his  contemporaries  had  busied  themselves 

*See  Cullem’s  “Art  of  War,”  page  26.  describing  the  “Frank”  soldier  of  th« 
Sixth  Century. 


ORGANIZATION  ANI)  ADMINISTRATION  OF  U.  S.  ARMY 


359 


assiduously  before,  during,  and  after  the  Revolution,  in  erasing 
from  the  statute  hooks  of  the  Colonies  and  the  Congress,  all 
vestige  or  semblance  of  support  of  a  personal  and  despotic 
government,  such  as  titles  of  nobility,  established  church, 
primogeniture  and  the  entailment  of  estates,  all  of  which 
|had  played  so  great  a  part  in  upholding  cruel  and  despotic 
governments  of  the  great  nations  of  civilization,  to  the  end 
that  freeing  the  people  from  the  all-powerful  influence  of 
these  ruling  classes,  they  might  establish  a  free  and  permanent 
government,  where  all  just  powers  should  he  derived  “from 
*he  consent  of  the  governed” ;  so  that  by  the  time  of  the  adop¬ 
tion  of  the  Constitution  in  1789  they  had  not  only  destroyed  all 
these  privileged  classes,  hut  had  established  a  government  so 
unique  in  all  its  leading  characteristics  that  it  differed  in  every 
feature  save  one,  the  War  Department,  from  any  great  nation 
known  to  history;  complicated,  yet  symmetrical;  its  executive, 
legislative,  and  judicial  powers  blending — both  Federal  and 
State — in  harmonious  whole. 

From  its  Supreme  Court  at  the  Nation’s  Capital  down 
through  its  inferior  auxiliaries  in  the  districts  of  all  the  States 
and  Territories,  and  in  each  State  and  Terri  to  ry  on  down 
through  their  Supreme  Courts  with  their  auxiliaries,  and  still 
on  down  through  the  county,  corporate  and  justices’  courts  in 
the  counties  and  cities,  there  is  no  cause  of  action,  civil  or 
ji  criminal,  possessed  by  any  party- — individual  or  corporate — 
but  there  is  a  well-defined  and  easily  accessible  remedy  in 
original,  appellate,  and  final  jurisdiction;  so  simple  that  the 
!  young  lawyer  just  entering  upon  practice  can,  without  hesita¬ 
tion,  file  his  complaint  in  the  proper  direction;  when  once 
filed,  though  it  may  proceed  to  that  of  last  resort — the  Federal 
Supreme  Court — there  is  no  confusion  or  conflict  between  the 
judges,  marshals,  sheriffs,  or  constables,  county,  State,  or 
'  Federal.  But  when  these  legal  authorities  have  exhausted 
their  power  to  suppress  the  lawless  and  make  their  call  upon 
the  executive  of  the  nation  to  protect  the  lives  and  property 
of  the  law-abiding  (their  dearest  and  most  sacred  rights), 


360 


APPENDIX 


neither  the  President  nor  the  Governor,  the  Marshal  nor  the 
Sheriff,  the  officer  commanding  the  Federal  troops  nor  the 
officer  commanding  the  State  troops  have  any  rules  of  law 
for  their  mutual  and  common  guidance  and  government;  too 
often  local  passion  and  political  prejudice  blind  a  just  con¬ 
ception  in  otherwise  good  men  and  endanger  the  public  safety. 
The  Army  (and  its  supplement — the  Navy)  being  the  only 
unimproved  inheritance  left  us  from  Great  Britain. 

This  Organization  and  Administration  for  the  British  Army 
was  developed  during  the  four  of  five  centuries  preceding  oui  ii 
Bevolution,  for  the  purpose  of  maintaining  the  alleged  God- 
given  right  of  dynasties  to  rule  the  people  without  “The  con¬ 
sent  of  the  governed,”  to  support  large  royal  families,  a  large 
line  of  nobility  with  attendant  trains,  entailed  estates,  a  numer¬ 
ous  line  of  army  officers — the  latter  supplanting  the  knights 
errant — who  together  constituted  the  ruling  classes,  distin¬ 
guished  from  tradespeople  and  toilers  as  were  the  patricians 
of  Borne  from  plebeians. 

Earlier  the  armies  were  raised  by  the  knights  and  barons; 
the  officers  from  sons  of  the  nobility  who  were  admitted  to  the 
pomp  and  circumstance  of  regal  courts;  the  men  from  the 
lowest  class  (often  foreign  mercenaries)  hardly  any  of  whom 
could  read,  or  had  any  conception  of  individual,  much  less 
political  rights,  just  emerging  from  barbarism  and  trained  for 
wars  where  plunder  was  the  main  incentive  to  courage  in 
battle. 

These  were  men  to  be  governed  by  fear  alone,  and  not  by 
the  love  of  order  and  personal  interest  in  its  maintenance  as 
Americans  now  govern  themselves.  With  such  people,  rigid 
personal  government  and  rules  of  discipline  were  necessary7 
and  accepted;  with  Americans,  they  are  not  only  unnecessary, 
but  abhorrent. 

To  comport,  then,  with  the  surroundings  in  the  ruling  classes 
and  with  the  necessity  for  discipline  among  men  so  base  in 
mercenary  wars  for  the  benefit  of  the  ruling  classes  alone,  the 
Organization  and  Administration  were  made  to  consist  of  two 


ORGANIZATION  AND  ADMINISTRATION  OF  U.  S.  ARMY  361 


classes — officers  and  men — as  widely  separated  as  master 
and  slave;  the  officer  became  by  laws,  written  and  unwritten, 
despotic  and  supercilious,  with  power  even  to  take  life  without 
responsibility;  the  man  servile  and  blindly  obedient  in  the  most 
>  abject  sense,  without  remedies  against  his  cruel  wrongs. 

It  is  true  that  at  the  time  of  our  Revolution  popular  liberty 
had  greatly  advanced  in  England,  but  as  the  pay  of  the  men 
was  very  small  and  the  most  of  the  service  required  in  distant 
colonies,  many  of  which  were  barbarous,  and  few  equally 
advanced  with  England  in  civil  liberties,  few  but  the  idle  and 
vicious  could  be  induced  to  surrender  the  rights  then  dawning 
upon  them  at  home,  and  separate  themselves  for  years  from 
civilization,  friends,  and  kindred;  so,  of  necessity  still,  the 
unwritten  laws  were  maintained,  and  those  written  did  not 
keep  abreast  with  those  pertaining  to  civil  liberties  at  home. 
To  the  officer,  though  a  stripling,  the  soldier,  though  aged  and 
battle-scarred,  was  always  “My  man,”  and  he,  in  servile 
response,  considered  it  a  privilege  if  not  an  honor  to  black 
his  master’s  boots.  He  was  made  to  spend  much  time  in 
acquiring  a  knowledge  of  the  proper  dress,  manner,  and 
deportment  necessary  to  approach  the  presence  of  any  one 
holding  a  commission.  All  this  we  inherited — much  is 
unnecessarily  perpetuated. 

Until  recently  a  similar  unfortunate  condition  has  confronted 
our  army  since  its  organization,  in  the  fact  that  nine-tenths  of 
it  was  compelled  to  abandon  civilized  association,  going  to  the 
wilds  to  war  with  the  North  American  savage,  more  dreadful 
than  any  with  which  the  British  Army  has  had  to  contend; 
only  the  poorest  material  could  be  induced  to  enlist,  and  the 
officers  had  at  least  a  partial  justification  in  maintaining  the 
written  and  unwritten  laws  inherited  from  the  British  Army. 
But  the  cessation  of  these  wars — now  never  to  be  resumed — 
and  the  transfer  of  the  greater  part  of  the  army  to  the  East, 
near  the  great  cities,  bringing  both  men  and  officers  in  contact 
with  the  people  of  the  greatest  civilization  and  also  in  direct 
association  with  the  National  Guards  of  States,  who  are 


362 


APPENDIX 


directly  from  and  with  the  people,  has,  within  the  last  ten 
years,  induced  a  great  change  in  material  of  the  enlisted  men 
so  that  now  there  can  be  no  just  reason  why  they  should  nol 
be  placed  on  a  level  as  to  pay,  government,  and  promotion 
with  other  public  employes  in  similar  service,  such  as  letter- 
carriers,  city  policemen,  and  others. 

Right  here  it  should  be  said,  however,  that  the  faults  dc 
not  lie  with  the  officers;  as  a  rule  they  are  blameless  in  thest 
matters,  as  it  is  their  sworn  duty  to  maintain  the  unwritten 
laws,  the  customs  of  the  service  as  they  find  them — which  the} 
have  done,  often  knowing  themselves  to  be  the  sufferers  ir 
alienation  from  the  sympathies  of  the  volunteers  and  the 
people  in  our  greater  wars — and  at  times  impairing  theii 
usefulness  for  larger  commands,  by  prejudices  thus  engen 
dered.  The  material  in  officers  is  as  good  as  any  in  the  world 
but  there  is  little  incentive  to  ambitious  effort.  The  too  certair 
tenure  of  office  and  the  legal  right  to  promotion  by  seniorit} 
are  destructive  of  individuality  and  self-reliance  (the  dis¬ 
tinctive  characteristics  of  the  American  people)  and  subversive  < 
of  ambitious  efforts  in  time  of  peace,  and  in  another  decade 
the  Army  will  degenerate  into  that  state  of  imbecility  ant 
helplessness  in  which  the  great  emergency  of  the  Rebellion  oi 
1861  found  it.  Neither  is  it  the  fault  of  the  enlisted  men. 

Nothing,  however,  in  our  Republic,  is  so  un-American  as  the 
great  gulf  that  is  maintained  by  laws,  written  and  unwritten 
between  the  commissioned  and  non-commissioned;  a  similai 
unfortunate  gulf  has  also  heretofore  separated  the  Regulai 
Peace  Establishment  from  the  Militia.  Neither  was  intendec 
by  the  Constitution  nor  its  framers.  The  fault  lies  with  the 
legislators,  who  should  have  perceived  that  our  Government 
founded  on  principles  the  reverse  of  those  cited  above,  withou 
classes,  save  as  graded  by  worth,  required  an  essentially 
different  organization  and  administration,  and  they  shouli 
have  provided  it,  but  they  did  not  and  have  not  to  this  day 
They  have  practically  kept  up  a  small  Army,  generally  quali 
fied,  however,  by  declaring  the  purposes  temporary,  but  neve 


ORGANIZATION  AND  ADMINISTRATION  OF  U.  S.  ARMY  363 

seriously  attempting  a  remodeling  of  its  organization  and 
administration,  as  was  done  in  all  other  branches  of  the  Gov¬ 
ernment.  They  had  suffered  so  much  from  the  British  soldier 
in  Colonial  times  and  had  been  able  to  vanquish  him  in  battle 
with  their  citizen  soldiery  on  such  memorable  occasions  as 
“Saratoga”  and  “Yorktown”  that  they  had  contempt  and 
hatred  for  anything  in  his  semblance,  and  afterwards  probably 
feared  a  permanent  organization  as  menacing  to  the  liberties 
they  had  wrested  with  such  great  sacrifice  from  its  like,  and 
repudiated  it  in  spirit. 

There  are,  however,  two  other  alleged  reasons  which  may 
have  had  a  leading  part  in  preventing  politicians  and  statesmen 
from  entering  upon  the  necessary  legislation.  The  first  is  the 
hazard  or  imagined  peril  to  the  safety  of  the  Republic  from 
“The  Man  on  Horseback,”  a  military  leader  placed  officially  at 
the  head  of  a  large  body  of  well  organized  troops.  This  might 
be  briefly  answered  with  the  truthful  statement  that  at  least 
two  such  men — Washington  and  Grant,  and  perhaps  a  third, 
Jackson— have  had  it  clearly  within  their  power  to  become 
dictators,  and  that  the  Republic  as  long  as  it  survives  will 
always  regard  them  as  the  very  safest  of  the  many  custodians 
of  its  liberties,  while  other  leaders  in  the  forum  have  attempted 
in  vain  their  destruction. 

The  second  is  the  great  and  lapsing  question  of  “State’s 
Rights,”  which  at  first  had  much  force  and  reason,  but  is  now 
fast  losing  all  possibility  of  maintenance,  and  must  eventually 
give  way  to  the  changed  conditions  and  the  much  greater 
mutual  interests  of  the  States  involved. 

This  doctrine  had  much  right  and  reason  in  the  earlier  days 
of  the  Republic,  because  the  States  then,  by  reason  of  the 
comparative  non-migration  of  their  citizens  and  the  transpor¬ 
tation  of  products  and  commodities  from  one  to  the  other,  and 
the  distinct  characteristics  of  their  people  in  habits  and  customs 
of  business,  might  almost  he  said  to  differ  from  each  other  as 
did  the  baronies  of  Scotland  in  the  Middle  Ages,  and 
required  almost  as  autonomous  laws  for  their  government. 


364 


APPENDIX 


But  gradually  their  wonderfully  increased  population,  the 
unparalleled  advances  in  steam  transportation,  the  great 
multiplication  of  their  products. and  commodities  (in  one  part 
or  another  of  the  Republic  almost  everything  useful  being 
produced)  have  so  stimulated  travel  and  commerce  that  they 
have  so  far  lost  their  original  individuality,  that  the  individual 
citizen  of  each  State  in  his  daily  wants  and  affairs,  is  quite 
as  much  interested  in  the  laws,  customs  and  business  of  other 
States,  as  in  those  of  his  own.  Judging  by  the  past,  within  the 
next  half  century  the  Republic  will  contain  over  200,000,000 
people  and  scores  of  cities  of  over  a  million  inhabitants; 
greater  and  broader-tracked  railroads  with  easier  grades  and 
curves  and  swifter  speed,  interchanging  swiftly  and  cheaply 
the  commodities  of  Florida  with  Alaska,  and  California  with 
Maine;  great  ocean  ship-canals  with  single  locks  connecting 
the  Great  Lakes  with  the  ocean  via  the  Hudson  and  Mississippi 
rivers. 

The  humblest  citizen  of  the  Republic  will  then  have  a  daily 
interest  in  the  protection  of  these  great  properties  and  the 
lives  of  the  men  who  maintain  them  in  operation,  which  can 
only  be  accomplished  by  a  strong,  united  and  well-sustained 
Federal  force  supported  by  the  States. 

The  Regular  Army  is  now  smaller  in  proportion  to  the  popu¬ 
lation  and  wealth  of  the  nation  than  it  has  ever  been  at  any 
period  since  the  organization  of  the  Government;  the  number 
of  the  lawless,  the  facility  for  their  organization,  armament 
and  concentration  has  on  the  other  hand  largely  increased, 
with  greater  power  to  do  harm  by  reason  of  the  newly  invented 
destructive  and  terrible  explosives. 

An  organization  and  administration  after  the  skeleton  plan 
which  is  briefly  outlined  below  would  modify  much  that  is  evil 
and  bring  the  military  in  harmony  with  the  other  democratic 
institutions  of  the  Republic: 


ORGANIZATION  AND  ADMINISTRATION  OF  U.  S.  ARMY 


365 


Project  for  a  Permanent  Military  Establishment  for  the 
United  States 

1.  That  the  permanent  Line  of  the  Regular  Army  shall  consist  of  one 
company  for  each  district  represented  in  the  lower  House  of  Congress, 
and  one  company  for  each  Senator  in  the  upper  House,  to  be  organized 
into  regiments  and  corps  as  nearly  as  practicable  as  now  authorized  by 
law.  Companies  may  be  expanded  to  double  their  strength  in  time  of 
war,  at  the  discretion  of  the  President. 

2.  That  the  permanent  Line  of  the  Militia  of  the  United  States  (in 
the  several  States)  shall  consist  of  one  regiment  for  each  district  repre¬ 
sented  in  the  lower  House  of  Congress,  and  one  regiment  for  each  Senator 
in  the  upper  House,  a  company  of  the  Regular  Army,  when  requested 
of  the  President  by  the  Governor  of  the  State,  to  be  one  of  the  companies 
of  the  Militia  regiment,  the  captain  its  lieutenant  colonel,  the  second 
lieutenant  its  adjutant,  and  the  first  sergeant  its  sergeant  major;  the 
regiment  to  be  otherwise  organized,  armed  and  equipped  as  the  Regular 
regiment  to  which  the  Regular  company  belongs.  In  the  assignment  of 

i  the  Regular  companies  to  these  Militia  regiments,  to  avoid  sectional 
prejudices  as  far  as  practicable,  but  one  company  of  any  regiment  shall 
be  assigned  to  any  one  State. 

13.  That  whenever  there  may  be  money  appropriated  for  that  purpose 
by  Congress,  the  President  may,  at  the  request  of  the  Governor,  order 
the  Regular  company  to  join  its  Militia  regiment,  and  report  to  the 
Governor,  for  mutual  familiarization,  instruction,  and  discipline,  under 
his  command  for  a  period  not  exceeding  two  months  annually. 

4.  That  upon  application  by  the  Governor,  the  President  may  order 
the  Regular  company  to  join  its  Militia  regiment,  for  the  suppression 
of  riots  and  insurrections  within  his  State,  under  his  command,  and  the 
President  may  upon  proper  application  call  the  Militia  regiment  “into 
the  actual  service  of  the  United  States,”  with  or  without  its  Regular 
company,  to  “execute  the  Laws  of  the  Union,  suppress  Insurrection,  or 
repel  Invasion”  within  or  without  the  State  to  which  it  belongs. 

5.  That  on  request  of  the  Governor,  on  the  recommendation  of  a  board 
of  officers  of  the  Militia  regiment,  the  President  may  order  a  lieutenant  of 
the  Militia  regiment  to  duty  with  its  Regular  company,  for  a  period  not 
:  exceeding  two  years,  to  receive,  after  taking  the  oath,  the  rank,  pay  and 
allowances  of  his  grade  in  the  Army,  during  his  service  for  that  period; 
Provided,  That  but  one  officer  in  the  regiment  is  so  assigned,  at  the  same 
time,  and  that  while  so  assigned,  one  of  the  lieutenants  of  the  Regular 
company  may,  on  the  application  of  the  Governor,  be  assigned  to  duty 
with  its  Militia  regiment,  by  the  President. 

R.  That  it  shall  hereafter  be  the  duty  of  Regular  officers  detailed  to 
inspect  Militia  regiments  to  report  the  four  officers  in  each  regiment  who 
are,  in  their  judgment,  best  qualified  for  court-martial  duty,  and  there¬ 
after  they  may  be  detailed  on  courts  for  the  trial  of  Regular  officers ; 
no  court,  however,  to  have  over  twenty  per  cent  of  its  members  of  such 


366 


APPENDIX 


Militia  officers  so  recommended;  the  Militia  officers  so  detailed  to  have 
the  rank;  pay,  and  emoluments  of  their  grade  in  the  Army  while  serving 
on  such  detail. 

7.  That  it  shall  hereafter  be  the  duty  of  colonels  of  regiments  of  the 
Regular  Army  to  report  annually  six  of  the  sergeants  of  their  respective 
regiments  in  their  judgment  best  qualified  for  service  on  courts  martial, 
and  that  thereafter  they  may  be  detailed  on  courts  martial  convened  for 
the  trial  of  enlisted  men  of  the  Regular  Army;  no  court,  however,  to 
have  over  twenty  per  cent  of  its  members  of  such  sergeants  so  recom¬ 
mended. 

8.  That  hereafter  the  finding  and  sentence  of  courts  martial  shall  be 
publicly  announced,  in  open  court,  to  the  accused,  immediately  after  its 
determination. 

9.  That  it  be  the  duty  hereafter  of  the  committees  on  Military  Affairs 
in  both  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives,  to  send  a  sub-com¬ 
mittee,  the  Chairman  of  the  Senate  sub-committee  to  have,  during  this 
duty,  the  temporary  rank  of  Major  General,  and  that  of  the  House 
Brigadier  General,  and  each  sub-committee  to  have  an  officer  of  the 
Inspector  General’s  Department  for  its  Recorder,  to  visit  and  inspect, 
as  far  as  practicable  during  the  recess  of  each  session  of  Congress,  the 
principal  points  of  interest,  both  in  the  Regular  Army  and  the  Militia, 
and  submit  their  reports  with  recommendations — the  Senate  Committee 
through  the  Senate  to  the  President  for  his  information,  and  the  House 
Committee  to  the  Speaker  for  the  information  of  the  House. 

10.  That  hereafter  there  shall  be  ordered  before  examining  boards  for 
examination  for  commissions  as  second  lieutenants  in  the  Regular  Army,  , 
a  number  of  enlisted  men  then  having  served  at  least  two  years  (if  there 
be  so  many  applicants),  equal  to  one-half  the  vacancies  created  in  the 
Army  during  the  preceding  year,  and  if  they  pass  the  required  physical, 
mental,  and  moral  qualifications,  they  shall  be  commissioned;  the  other 
half  of  the  annual  vacancies  to  be  filled  from  the  graduates  of  the 
Military  Academy. 

11.  That  in  each  Congressional  District  where  a  Militia  regiment  may 
be  organized,  the  cadet  to  the  Military  Academy  from  that  District  shall 
be  selected  from  the  members  of  the  regiment  including  the  Regular 
company,  within  the  prescribed  age,  who  have  served  in  it  at  least  one 
year,  at  a  competitive  examination,  of  all  who  choose  to  enter,  by  a 
board  of  officers  of  the  regiment,  convened  for  that  purpose  by  the 
Governor. 

12.  That  hereafter  each  alternate  vacancy  in  each  grade  of  each  Regu-  ; 
lar  regiment  shall  be  filled  by  competitive  examinations  of  such  officers 
in  the  next  grade  below  as  may  choose  to  enter  the  lists ;  the  examina-  | 
tions  to  be  made  annually  during  the  months  of  June  and  July  at  such 
places  as  it  may  be  practicable  to  convene  summer  encampments  of  at 
least  a  brigade,  embracing  all  arms  of  the  service,  and  that  (in  addition 
to  the  present  methods)  each  candidate  be  required  to  handle  tactically 


ORGANIZATION  AND  ADMINISTRATION  OF  U.  S.  ARMY 


367 


company,  battalion,  and  brigade  in  presence  of  the  board,  and,  if  a  foot 
officer,  to  march  with  his  proper  command  (using  for  a  reasonable  part 
of  the  distance  each  of  the  prescribed  gaits)  a  distance  of  fifteen  miles 
in  six  hours,  each  day,  for  three  consecutive  days ;  if  a  mounted  officer, 
the  distance  to  be  twenty  miles ;  the  examination  to  include  field  officers. 
The  judgment  of  such  boards  to  be  final  and  determinate  in  each  case. 

13.  That  the  monthly  pay  of  the  enlisted  men  of  the  Line  of  the 
Regular  Army  shall  hereafter  be  as  follows: 

Regimental  Sergeant  Major  and  Quartermaster  Sergeant,  $90,  less 
the  actual  cost  of  his  subsistence  and  clothing. 

First  Sergeant,  $75,  less  the  actual  cost  of  subsistence  and  clothing. 

Sergeant,  $50,  less  the  actual  cost  of  subsistence  and  clothing. 

Corporal,  $40,  less  the  actual  cost  of  subsistence  and  clothing. 

Private,  $30,  less  the  actual  cost  of  subsistence  and  clothing. 

Wagoner,  Artificer,  Blacksmith,  and  Saddler,  the  pay  of  Corporal. 

As  the  aggregate  number  of  Senators  and  Representatives  is 
447,  this  project  would  create  that  many  regiments  of  Militia 
(or  National  Guardsmen)  which,  allowing  for  the  increased 
number  of  companies  in  Artillery  and  Infantry,  would  consti¬ 
tute  an  Army  on  a  war  footing  of  about  500,000  men;  an  added 
third  battalion  would  increase  it  to  750,000,  and  then  again  if 
the  number  of  enlisted  men  in  each  company  in  time  of  war 
was  increased  to,  say,  200  men,  would  give  us  an  Army  of 
1,500,000  men  (all  that  the  country  is  likely  to  need  under  any 
emergency)  which  would  quickly  blend  and  assimilate,  Regu¬ 
lars  and  Volunteers,  in  one  harmonious  whole. 

The  present  pay  of  the  officer  is  ample  but  none  too  great, 
while  the  pay  of  the  men  is  too  niggardly  to  entice  any  one 
into  any  kind  of  employment  in  this  country,  save  the  unfor¬ 
tunate  or  the  idle  and  vicious,  seeking  temporary  relief  from 
suffering  for  food,  shelter  and  raiment. 

The  number  and  monthly  pay  on  first  entrance  in  the  dif¬ 
ferent  grades  (omitting  musicians,  artificers,  etc.)  of  the  Line 
of  the  Army,  are  as  follows: 


368 


APPENDIX 


40  Colonels  . $291.67 

40  Lieutenant  Colonels .  250.00 

70  Majors .  208.33 

430  Captains . Foot,  $150.00. ..  .Mounted. . .  166.67 

530  First  Lieutenants .  “  125.00....  “  ...  133.33 

430  Second  Lieutenants..  “  116.67....  “  ...  125.00 


Mark  here  the  great  gulf  between  officers  and  men  in  the 
gradation  of  pay,  uniformity  above  and  uniformity  below: 


Pay 

Rations 

Clothing 

40  Sergeant  Majors.. 

.  $23 

$4.00 

$3.83  Total, 

$30.83 

430  First  Sergeants. . . 

.  25 

4.00 

3.81  “ 

32.81 

1,860  Sergeants  . 

.  18 

4.00 

3.73  “ 

25.73 

1,720  Corporals  . 

.  15 

4.00 

3.71  “ 

22.71 

17,264  Privates . 

.  13 

4.00 

3.34  “ 

20.34 

Perhaps  the  police  of  our  great  cities,  in  the  character  of 
duties  and  the  ends  to  be  accomplished,  bear  a  greater  resem¬ 
blance  to  the  Army  than  any  one  other  public  organization  in 
the  country,  and  it  may  not  be  unfair  to  compare  their  pay, 
organization  and  administration  (in  the  454  largest  cities  there 
are  about  36,000  policemen).  The  following  represents  the 
grades,  numbers,  salaries,  etc.,  in  the  three  representative  cities 
of  the  Republic,  New  York,  Chicago,  and  San  Francisco,  omit¬ 
ting  surgeons,  detectives,  clerks,  etc.: 


New  York 

Number  Grade  Monthly  Salary 

1  Superintendent  .  $500.00 

1  Chief  Inspector  .  416.66 

3  Inspectors  .  291.66 

35  Captains  .  229.66 

197  Sergeants .  166.66 

166  Roundsmen .  108.33 

2,548  Patrolmen — First  Grade  .  100.00 

287  Patrolmen — Second  Grade .  91.66 

251  Patrolmen — Third  Grade  .  83.33 


ORGANIZATION  AND  ADMINISTRATION  OF  U.  S.  ARMY 


369 


Chicago 


Number  Grade  Monthly  Salary 

1  Superintendent  .  $416.66 

2  Assistant  Superintendents  .  250.00 

5  Inspectors  .  233.33 

14  Captains  .  187.91 

35  Lieutenants .  125.00 

55  Patrol  Sergeants  .  100.00 

1,738  Patrolmen — First  Class .  83.33 

525  Patrolmen — Second  Class .  60.00 

San  Francisco 

1  Chief  of  Police .  $333.33 

5  Captains  .  150.00 

38  Sergeants  .  125.00 

336  Patrolmen  .  102.00 


Mark  the  uniformity  in  gradation  of  pay  throughout!  Their 
average  hours  of  duty  are  nine.  The  only  articles  they  furnish 
themselves  which  the  soldier  does  not  are  quarters,  subsistence, 
clothing,  and  equipments.  The  average  cost  of  clothing  and 
equipments  per  month  in  New  York  is  $5.42.  San  Francisco 
has  a  retired  list  on  half  pay  after  twenty  years’  service  at 
sixty  years  of  age. 

In  1891  there  were  employed  in  the  Post  Office  Department 
in  the  454  largest  cities  in  the  United  States,  10,443  letter- 
carriers  (nearly  half  the  number  of  enlisted  men  in  the  Army) 
with  monthly  pay  as  follows:  1st  class,  $83.33;  2d  class,  $66.66; 
3d  class,  $50.00;  the  average  monthly  pay  being  $73.00  per 
month,  or  a  total  annual  pay  of  $9,161,137.00,  nearly  one-third 
more  than  the  total  pay  and  allowances  of  the  25,000  enlisted 
men  in  the  Army. 

On  the  breaking  out  of  the  Civil  War  in  the  early  part  of 
1861,  there  were  borne  on  the  rolls  of  the  Regular  Army  1,083 
commissioned  officers  and  15,367  enlisted  men.  These  officers 
and  men  had  been  maintained  by  the  Government,  under  the 
long  existing  organization  and  administration  before  referred 


370 


APPENDIX 


to,  for  the  main  purpose  of  preparing  them  for  the  emergency  j 
that  was  then  suddenly  thrust  upon  them,  as  a  nucleus  for  the 
large  army  then  organizing. 

Let  us  see  how  well  they  were  prepared  for  that  serious 
business:  282  of  the  officers  abandoned  their  flag,  leaving  801,  ; 
with  almost  the  full  number  of  enlisted  men  remaining  loyal. 
These,  under  a  proper  organization  and  administration,  should 
have  completely  officered,  with  abundance  to  spare,  the  entire 
2.000  volunteer  regiments  called  into  the  Federal  Army,  but 
when  they  came  in  contact  with  them,  there  arose  great  distrust 
and  want  of  confidence,  the  volunteers  alleging  that  the  Reg¬ 
ular  Officer  was  supercilious  and  determined  to  enforce  upon 
them  discipline  which  they  deemed  degrading  and  dishonor¬ 
able.  On  the  contrary,  the  Regular  Officers  asserted  that  the 
volunteers  were  ignorant,  insubordinate,  and  unappreciative 
of  the  great  trials  that  were  set  before  them,  and  it  came  to 
pass  that  by  long  isolation  on  the  plains  and  martinetism  the 
Regular  Army  had  become  so  alienated  from  the  sympathies 
and  confidence  of  the  people  that  even  as  late  as  April  1,  1863, 
but  112  of  the  801  had  attained  the  rank  of  General,  and  com¬ 
paratively  few  of  these  were  successful.  On  the  contrary,  there 
were  some  175  officers  who  had  ceased  to  belong  to  the  Army 
- — most  of  them  having  discarded  it,  but  some  having  been 
discarded  by  it — who  had  for  years  mingled  with  the  people, 
becoming  known  to  them  and  in  sympathy  with  them.  Of 
these,  45  had  become  general  officers  by  the  same  date,  and  a 
remarkable  proportion  of  them  successful  ones.  Rut  here 
again  comes  the  remarkably  instructive  fact  that  for  23  years 
after  the  retirement  of  General  Scott  in  November,  1861,  the 
Army  was  commanded  exclusively  from  this  latter  class — - 
McClellan  for  1  year,  Halleck  for  2  years.  Grant  for  5  years, 
and  Sherman  for  14  years;  the  only  officers  borne  on  the  list 
of  the  Army  at  the  breaking  out  of  the  war  who  succeeded  to 
command  it  being  Generals  Sheridan  and  Schofield,  and  these 
latter  not  until  long  after  the  war  had  closed. 

Then  comes  the  additional  instructive  fact  that  of  the  18 


ORGANIZATION  AND  ADMINISTRATION  OF  U.  S.  ARMY 


371 


most  distinguished  Army  and  Corps  commanders  during  the 
war,  12 — Grant,  Sherman,  McClellan,  Halleck,  Fremont,  Rose- 
;  crans.  Hooker,  Burnside,  Meade,  Dix,  Curtis,  and  Slocum  (two- 
thirds),  came  from  the  same  class  of  ex-officers  while  only  6 
— Hancock,  Thomas,  Buell,  Pope,  McDowell,  and  Sheridan 
(one-third)  were  from  continuous  service  in  the  Army. 

The  only  plausible  explanation  that  can  he  given  for  these 
remarkable  facts  is  that  after  5  or  10  years’  service  in  the 
Army,  in  time  of  peace,  under  its  present  organization  and 
administration,  ambition,  grasp,  individuality,  and  self-reliance 
are  dwarfed,  as  compared  with  the  school  of  the  ex-officer 
who  enters  the  list  of  civil  pursuits  on  the  lines  of  “The  survival 
of  the  fittest.” 

As  to  the  15,000  enlisted  men  above  referred  to,  from  whom 
such  great  service  was  reasonably  expected,  they — by  reason 
of  the  great  gulf  that  had  been  placed  between  them  and  their 
officers — had  lost  much  of  their  self-reliance,  and  personal 
pride,  and  made  small  figure  in  this  four  years’  terrible  war. 

To  illustrate  what  unwise  and  unjust  discriminations  are 
brought  about  by  our  present  Army  organization,  where  the 
enlisted  men  have  so  little  voice  and  influence,  here  is  a 
possible  case,  an  extreme  one  it  is  true,  hut  possible — many  of 
its  incidents  often  occurring. 

First  Sergeant  Jones,  sixty  years  of  age,  has  forty  years’ 
continuous  service;  receives  for  his  services  in  pay  and  allow¬ 
ances  $32.81  per  month;  his  grandson.  Smith,  with  no  other 
merit  than  the  personal  preferment  of  his  Congressman,  at  the 
age  of  sixteen  receives  his  education  and  $45  per  month  for 
four  years  while  at  West  Point,  at  the  expiration  of  which  time 
he  joins  his  grandfather,  who  is  now  sixty-four,  and  assumes 
command  of  the  company,  his  pay  jumping  to  $125  per  month, 
hut  his  grandfather’s  remaining  the  same.  If  they  should  both 
he  killed  the  next  day  in  battle  (see  paragraphs  85  and  162, 
Army  Regulations)  Sergeant  Jones,  the  grandfather,  may  be 
buried  but  at  an  expense  not  exceeding  $15;  Lieutenant  Smith,. 


372 


APPENDIX 


the  grandson,  may  be  buried  by  the  Government  at  an  expense 
not  exceeding  $75. 

If  they  should  both  be  disabled  by  wounds  or  otherwise  and 
retired,  Jones,  the  grandfather,  receives  $27  per  month,  while 
Smith,  the  grandson,  receives  $93.75. 

If  Smith,  the  grandson,  approaches  a  guard  in  command  of 
his  company  under  arms,  the  guard  will  turn  out  and  salute. 
If  Jones,  the  grandfather,  in  command  of  the  same  company 
under  arms,  approaches  the  same  guard,  neither  the  company 
nor  its  commander  will  be  honored. 

If  both  these  officers  are  ordered  from  San  Francisco  to  New 
York  as  witnesses  before  a  court  martial,  and  travel  on  the 
same  train  throughout  the  distance,  the  grandfather,  Jones, 
receives  the  actual  cost  of  his  ticket  and  $7.50  only  for  commu¬ 
tation  during  the  journey.  Smith,  the  grandson,  receives  the 
actual  cost  of  his  ticket  and  $156.64  as  mileage,  etc. 

If  the  Sergeant  desert  en  route,  he  is  advertised  with  a 
reward;  if  apprehended,  confined  and  tried  as  a  felon.  If  the 
Lieutenant  should  do  so  (as  some  24  have  done  since  the  Civil 
War),  he  would  probably  not  be  pursued,  as  none  of  the  24 
referred  to  have  been. 

Article  66  of  the  Articles  of  War  reads  as  follows: 

“Soldiers  charged  with  crimes  shall  be  confined  until  tried  by  court 
martial,  or  released  by  proper  authority.” 

Any  other  authorities  of  the  Government  would  interpret 
the  word  “crimes,”  as  here  used,  to  cover  only  acts  known  as 
felonies  or  threats  of  violence,  where  the  danger  to  law  and 
order  was  too  great  to  allow  the  accused  to  run  at  large,  yet 
for  over  a  hundred  years  Army  officers,  under  the  unwritten 
laws  handed  down  from  the  Middle  Ages,  have  interpreted 
this  word  to  embrace  every  trifling  offense  for  which  a  soldier 
is  triable  by  court  martial,  even  neglects  and  omissions,  such 
as  “Failure  to  attend  roll-call”  and  “Neglect  to  clean  arms”; 
that  the  article  was  mandatory — that  no  soldier  could  be  tried 
by  court  martial  until  first  confined  in  the  guard-house,  and 


ORGANIZATION  AND  ADMINISTRATION  OF  U.  S.  ARMY 


373 


grave  and  serious  courts  have  refused  to  enter  upon  the  trial 
of  such  enlisted  men  unless  previously  confined.  The  disgrace 
of  the  accused  and  the  presumption  of  guilt  were  at  once  estab¬ 
lished  by  the  commencement  of  punishment,  and  in  hundreds 
of  cases  prisoners  were  held  for  weeks  on  trivial  charges  await¬ 
ing  courts  for  their  trial,  when  the  scarcity  of  officers  and 
the  remoteness  of  their  stations  rendered  it  impracticable  to 
promptly  convene  them. 

The  Adjutant  General  of  the  Army,  in  his  report  to  the 
General  commanding  for  the  year  1891,  reports  “From  January, 
1867,  to  June  30,  1891  (24*4  years),  the  number  of  desertions 
from  the  Army  was  88,475,”  over  one-third  the  number  that 
enlisted  during  that  period;  he  estimates  the  loss  to  the  Govern¬ 
ment  by  their  desertion  and  the  necessary  enlistments  to 
replace  them  at  $23,003,500,  and  further  states  that  during  that 
period  16,000  deserters  were  apprehended  or  surrendered,  and 
estimates  the  expense  for  rewards  of  apprehension,  transporta¬ 
tion,  and  trials  by  court  martial  of  these  16,000  at  $2,500,000, 
making  an  aggregate  pecuniary  loss  to  the  Government  by 
desertion  for  this  period  of  $25,503,500,  or  an  annual  loss  from 
deserters  alone  of  over  $1,000,000. 

If  the  pay  of  the  enlisted  men  be  increased  and  uniformly 
graded  down  from  the  commissioned  officers  as  proposed  in 
the  project  for  a  permanent  military  establishment,  it  would 
increase  the  cost  of  the  Army  but  a  little  over  four  million 
dollars  per  annum;  thereafter  it  is  fair  to  presume  desertion 
would  he  almost  as  infrequent  in  the  Army  as  it  now  is  in  the 
police  of  the  large  cities  or  the  letter-carriers  of  the  Federal 
Government.  If  so,  this  saving  of  one  million  per  annum  would 
repay  one-fourth  of  this  additional  expense,  but  the  betterment 
only  begins  here.  A  large  percentage  of  the  force  of  each  gar¬ 
rison  is  constantly  in  the  guard-house  for  other  offenses  than 
desertion.  This,  and  their  frequent  trials  by  court  martial  (in 
some  years  aggregating  almost  the  total  number  of  enlisted 
men),  it  is  fair  to  presume,  would  almost  totally  disappear,  and 


374 


APPENDIX 


there  would  be  another  great  saving  in  the  expense,  and  an 
equally  valuable  gain  in  the  efficiency  of  the  Army. 

The  project  referred  to  would  bring  a  large  per  cent  of  the 
younger  officers  constantly  in  contact  with  citizens  and  the 
National  Guard,  and  they  would  thus  soon  become  imbued  with 
the  spirit  and  desires  of  the  people  and  gain  their  sympathy 
and  confidence  in  the  same  degree  that  the  ex-officers  in  civil 
pursuits  have  done  before  them. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  National  Guard  would  soon  learn  to 
appreciate  the  excellence  of  Regular  Army  methods — which  in 
the  main  are  valuable — so  that  should  another  occasion  occur 
for  the  nation  again  to  organize  a  vast  Army,  Regulars  and 
Volunteers  would  soon  harmoniously  unite. 

During  the  four  long  years  of  sturdy  war,  in  which  was 
developed  the  grandest,  most  intelligent,  patriotic  and  chival¬ 
rous  army  that  ever  trod  the  face  of  the  earth,  save  perhaps 
that  which  it  overcame  but  was  too  magnanimous  to  subjugate, 
the  Regulars  were  compelled  by  force  of  intelligent  reason  to 
abandon  more  of  their  idiosyncrasies  than  the  Volunteers  were 
of  theirs — courts  martial  and  confinements  were  comparatively 
rarely  known.  The  soldier,  both  in  the  Regulars  and  Volun¬ 
teers,  had  attained  an  individuality  and  self-reliance  not  before 
known  in  our  Army  or  that  of  any  other  nation.  Rut  on  separa¬ 
tion  from  contact  with  the  Volunteers  and  people,  by  isolation 
in  the  West,  the  Regulars,  under  old  methods  of  organization 
and  administration,  soon  lapsed  into  former  conditions.  With¬ 
out  remedies,  like  emergencies  will  produce  like  results  in  the 
future. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  war,  the  War  Department  issued  die 
following  order: 


ORGANIZATION  AND  ADMINISTRATION  OF  U.  S.  ARMY 


375 


“War  Department,  Adjutant-General’s  Office, 

“Washington,  November  20,  1861. 


“General  Orders 
No.  101. 


“The  intention  of  the  Government,  in  reserving  the  original  vacancies 
of  Second  Lieutenants  for  the  riiost  deserving  among  the  non-commis¬ 
sioned  officers  of  the  new  regular  regiments,  was  twofold:  to  secure  the 
services  of  brave,  intelligent,  and  energetic  officers,  by  appointing  only 
those  who  had  fully  proved  themselves  to  be  such,  after  a  fair  competi¬ 
tion  with  all  who  chose  to  enter  the  lists  against  them,  and  to  give  to 
the  young  men  of  the  country — those  especially  who  were  poor,  unknown, 
and  without  any  social  or  political  influence — an  equal  opportunity  with 
the  most  favored.  In  General  Orders  No.  1G,  of  May  4,  18G1,  this 
intention  was  jjublicly  announced.  It  is  now  reaffirmed,  and  commanding 
officers  of  the  new  regiments  will  see  that  it  is  carried  out  in  good  faith. 

“By  order, 

“L.  Thomas, 
“Adjutant-General.” 


Immediately  the  newly  enlisted  men  of  the  Regulars  became 
inspired  with  ambitious  hope  and  self-reliance;  promotion 
from  the  ranks  was  the  rule,  and  the  recipients  of  that  period 
have  ever  since  proved  equal  to  those  commissioned  from 
other  sources. 

It  may  be  said  that  the  proposed  change  of  giving  one-half 
the  vacancies  to  the  enlisted  men  would  be  a  hardship  to  the 
graduates  of  the  Academy  when  there  are  now  barely  sufficient 
vacancies  in  the  Army  to  give  them  all  commissions,  but  it  can 
hardly  be  considered  a  hardship  to  a  young  man  favored  with 
an  appointment  there  and  graduated  free  of  expense  to  himself 
and  family,  when  if  thrown  upon  the  world  he  would  be  better 
qualified  than  almost  any  of  his  fellows  to  fight  the  battle  of 
life,  and  in  case  of  war  would  prove,  like  the  ex-officers  before 
referred  to,  most  valuable  to  this  country.  If  it  should  be  a 
hardship,  it  would  be  no  greater  than  would  befall  the  hun¬ 
dreds  of  enlisted  men  who  under  this  project  would  doubtless 
qualify  themselves  quite  as  well  for  commissions  as  the  grad¬ 
uates,  and  for  whom,  likewise,  there  would  he  an  insufficiency 
of  vacancies. 


376 


APPENDIX 


No  one  will  assail  the  excellence  of  the  Military  Academy, 
though  the  present  course  there  seems  too  severe  in  the  higher 
mathematics  and  directed  mostly  to  the  production  of  engineer 
officers  rather  than  officers  for  the  command  of  men;  for  the 
former  there  should  be  an  extended  course,  as  in  the  military 
schools  of  other  nations,  but  while  admitting  the  excellence 
of  this  course  for  a  portion  of  the  officers  of  the  Army,  from 
long  and  varied  contact  with  the  people  of  almost  every  State 
and  Territory,  I  know  that  he  misjudges  them  seriously  who 
thinks  there  is  no  other  method  equally  good  by  which  at  least 
a  portion  of  them  can  be  supplied.  No  profession  can  main¬ 
tain  a  healthy  status  where  its  members  are  derived  solely 
from  one  source. 

It  ought  to  be  understood  by  the  law-makers  in  dealing  with 
the  Army,  as  it  is  in  relation  to  every  other  service,  public  or 
private,  that  the  Nation  is  but  a  joint  stock  company  of  seventy 
million  holders,  each  with  a  certain  amount  of  stock;  that  they 
require  hut  2,000  Army  Officers;  that  commissions,  as  far  as 
practicable,  should  be  open  to  all  competitors;  that  the  best 
qualified  may  win  on  original  entrance,  promotion  thereafter 
to  be  on  lines  of  merit  which  can  not  be  the  case  under  present 
methods. 

John  Stuart  Mill  says: 


“The  despotism  of  custom  is  everywhere  the  standing  hindrance  to 
human  advancement,  being  in  unceasing  antagonism  to  that  disposition 
to  aim  at  something  better  than  customary,  which  is  called,  according  to 
circumstances,  the  spirit  of  liberty,  or  that  of  progress  or  improvement. 
The  spirit  of  improvement  is  not  always  a  spirit  of  liberty,  for  it  may 
aim  at  forcing  improvements  on  an  unwilling  people;  and  the  spirit  of 
liberty,  in  so  far  as  it  resists  such  attempts,  may  ally  itself  locally  and 
temporarily  with  the  opponents  of  improvement;  but  the  only  unfailing 
and  permanent  source  of  improvement  is  liberty,  since  by  it  there  are  as 
many  possible  independent  centers  of  improvement  as  there  are  indi¬ 
viduals.  The  progressive  principle,  however,  in  either  shape,  whether 
as  the  love  of  liberty  or  of  improvement,  is  antagonistic  to  the  sway  of 
custom,  involving  at  least  emancipation  from  that  yoke;  and  the  contest 
between  the  two  constitutes  the  chief  interest  of  the  history  of  mankind. 
The  greater  part  of  the  world  has,  properly  speaking,  no  history,  because 
the  despotism  of  custom  is  complete.” 


ORGANIZATION  AND  ADMINISTRATION  OF  U.  S.  ARMY 


377 


For  the  reasons  above,  so  clearly  expressed,  there  is  little 
hope  for  the  reform  before  advocated  to  emanate  successfully 
from  the  Army  itself,  which  would  be  the  greater  beneficiary. 
Its  officers  have  little  power  in  political  influence  and  it  is  to 
be  regretted  that  the  efforts  they  have  made  to  use  it  have  been 
principally  directed  to  increasing  their  own  number,  rank, 
tenure  of  office  and  pay,  or  the  establishing  of  such  pernicious 
vested  rights  as  “lineal  promotion.”  That  is  to  say,  that  Tom, 
who  graduated  in  1882,  shall  in  no  case  be  Captain  before 
Dick,  who  graduated  in  1881. 

If  any  change  for  the  betterment  come,  in  this  direction,  the 
greater  hope  is  with  the  National  Guard  of  the  States,  who  have 
not  been  so  long  hampered  by  imperious  custom  and  who  are 
more  in  contact  with  the  legislative  authorities.  Eventually 
something  in  this  direction  must  come  about. 


378 


ADDRESS  BEFORE  THE  SOCIETY  OF  THE  ARMY  OF  THE 

CUMBERLAND 

September  15,  1913 

Mr.  President:  We  survivors  of  the  Army  of  the  Cumber¬ 
land  with  our  guests  are  met  here  on  the  semi-centennial  of 
its  greatest  battle  to  do  honor  to  the  glorious  achievements  of 
its  members,  living  and  dead,  in  the  most  sanguinary  and  yet 
the  most  chivalrous  war  ever  waged  in  all  the  tide  of  time;  a 
war,  too,  that  had  more  significance  at  the  time  it  was  waged, 
and  has  had  since,  and  will  continue  to  have  for  the  betterment 
of  mankind,  than  any  other  war  of  recorded  history. 

If,  indeed,  “it  needs  be  that  wars  must  come,”  it  seems  we 
should  all  be  thankful  to  High  Providence  that  it  fell  to  our 
lot  to  participate  in  this  war  for  the  Union  rather  than  any 
other  of  which  we  have  knowledge,  and,  further,  from  our 
knowledge  of  the  past  history  of  mankind,  we  should  be 
thankful  that  it  fell  to  our  lot  to  live  in  our  generation,  race, 
and  country,  with  all  its  blood  and  tears. 

In  fact,  we  of  our  generation  who  are  still  alive  have 
witnessed  more  and  greater  progress  for  betterment  physically, 
mentally,  and  morally,  than  all  that  had  gone  before. 

But  to  revert  to  our  text,  “The  Army  of  the  Cumberland,” 
and  the  war  itself.  My  theme  is  to  inspire  just  but  long-belated 
honors  to  the  Confederate  soldiers  in  arms. 

The  nucleus  from  which  sprang  the  new  race  and  nation  of 
thirty  millions  of  unmilitary  and  unwarlike  Americans  called 
suddenly  to  form  the  mighty  hosts  of  over  three  million  Con¬ 
federate  and  Union  warriors,  was  the  Puritans  and  Cavaliers 
of  Northern  Europe,  who  for  conscience’s  sake  exiled  them¬ 
selves  from  religious,  social  and  political  persecution  over  two 
hundred  years  ago  to  the  American  wilderness  where  they 
hoped,  untrammeled  by  the  imperious  custom  of  ages,  to  raise 
a  new  people  self-reliant  and  of  universal  common  interests 
where  all  should  be  schooled  in  the  same  ethics  politically, 
soeiallv  and  morally. 


ADDRESS  BEFORE  SOCIETY,  ARMY  OF  THE  CUMBERLAND  379 

For  over  a  hundred  years  they  kept  faith  in  their  purpose 
in  a  self-reliant  way  never  known  before,  being  almost  wholly 
self-supporting,  having  no  public  factories,  each  trade  making 
and  repairing  its  own  tools  and  implements,  each  rural  family 
raising  its  own  flax,  wool  and  cotton  and  almost  universally 
spinning  and  weaving  its  own  fabric  for  clothing.  This 
brought  the  rearing  of  children  to  the  mother’s  fireside,  where 
the  moral  training  of  the  mother  is  more  pure,  effective  and 
lasting  than  all  other  methods,  including  schools  and  colleges. 

They  kept  this  faith  until  they  had  increased  to  a  population 
of  three  millions  of  the  most  earnest,  sturdy  and  conscientious 
people  on  the  glohe,  when  the  principal  mother  country  be¬ 
ginning  insidiously  to  re-establish  over  them  the  very  evils 
from  which  they  had  fled  into  exile,  they  again  in  1776  en¬ 
gaged  to  free  themselves,  this  time  in  a  war  for  independence 
and  government  of  their  own.  In  this  they  succeeded,  and  by 
the  time  of  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  in  1787  they  had 
established  a  government  more  unique  in  all  its  leading  char¬ 
acteristics  than  any  known  to  history,  its  leading  feature  be¬ 
ing  that  “all  just  powers  of  government  must  be  derived  from 
the  consent  of  the  governed.” 

This  Constitution  erased  from  existence  all  vestige  or  sem¬ 
blance  of  a  personal  and  despotic  government,  such  as  titles 
of  nobility,  established  church,  primogeniture  and  entailment 
of  estates,  all  of  which  had  played  so  great  a  part  in  upholding 
the  cruel  and  despotic  governments  of  the  great  nations  of 
civilization,  and  substituted  in  their  stead  a  complicated  yet 
symmetrical  government  with  executive,  legislative  and  judi¬ 
cial  powers  blending — both  Federal  and  State- — in  one  har¬ 
monious  whole,  which  amazed  the  world  and  set  it  doubting 
whether  such  liberties  could  long  endure. 

For  74  years  its  creators  kept  the  faith  of  their  professions, 
continuing  their  Colonial  simplicity,  universal  industry  and 
frugality.  In  these  74  years  the  new  nation  had  risen  to  a 
population  of  30  millions  as  resourceful,  self-reliant,  contented 
and  prosperous  people  as  ever  lived  under  one  flag.  Their 


380 


APPENDIX 


labor-saving  machinery  and  devices  had  led  all  the  rest  of  the 
world,  so  that  the  genius  of  the  ceaseless  and  tireless  mental 
workers  had  by  mechanical  appliances  and  organized  labor 
in  large  factories  relieved  man’s  brawn  and  muscle  from  per¬ 
haps  30  per  cent  of  its  arduous  toil  in  the  struggle  for  existence. 

But  meanwhile  political  fanatics  and  moral  agitators  began 
to  set  up  strife  between  the  sections  North  and  South  con¬ 
cerning  an  alleged  discriminating  tariff  against  the  South  on 
cotton  goods,  with  threats  of  nullification,  and  later  in  the 
recriminating  discussion  against  slavery  and  its  extension  and 
the  execution  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  until  in  the  fifties  a 
small  portion  of  the  people,  mostly  well  meant  but  ill  in¬ 
formed,  had  arrayed  the  political  parties  in  great  bitterness 
against  each  other. 

So  that  in  1860  on  the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln  to  the  Presi¬ 
dency  the  Northern  agitators  claimed  it  as  foretelling  forceful 
abolition  and  those  of  the  South  claimed  it  foretold  the  de¬ 
struction  of  the  rights  of  the  Southern  States.  Both  these 
classes  busied  themselves  in  embittering  the  sections  by  rais¬ 
ing  armed  companies  of  emigrants  to  the  new  Territory  of 
Kansas,  where  they  inaugurated  a  miniature  civil  war. 

The  Mayor  of  New  York  City  called  the  City  Council  and 
proposed  an  ordinance  declaring  New  York  an  independent 
city,  which  in  the  temporary  frenzy  of  the  time  came  near 
passing,  giving  encouragement  to  those  very  few  in  the  South 
who  contemplated  secession.  In  Boston  it  was  declared  in 
public  speech  “The  Union  must  be  dissolved.” 

Then  there  was  the  mob’s  resistance  to  the  execution  of  the 
Fugitive  Slave  Law,  the  armed  expedition  to  Harpers  Ferry  to 
incite  the  ignorant  slaves  to  rise  in  domestic  insurrection,  and 
the  declaration  of  a  few  fanatical  orators  that  our  flag  repre¬ 
sented  “A  covenant  with  death  and  a  league  with  hell.” 

But  in  spite  of  all  there  were  probably  not  ten  per  cent  of 
the  men  North  and  South  who  afterward  became  soldiers  for 
or  against  the  Union  who  had  any  sympathy  with  the  fanatical 
agitators  on  either  side. 


ADDRESS  BEFORE  SOCIETY,  ARMY  OF  THE  CUMBERLAND  381 

Mr.  Lincoln  had  declared  his  purpose  to  “Maintain  the 
Union,  the  Constitution  and  the  laws,  regardless  of  slavery,” 
and  in  the  border  slave  States — in  fact,  in  all  the  slave  States, 
public  sentiment  admitted  that  slavery  was  wrong,  but  as  far 
as  they  were  concerned  an  inherited  wrong  which  they  saw 
no  practical  way  to  remedy,  as  where  slaves  were  held  in  large 
numbers  they  would  be  as  helpless  as  children  to  care  for 
themselves  if  freed. 

In  the  border  mountain  States,  however,  Maryland,  Virginia, 
North  Carolina,  Tennessee,  Kentucky  and  Missouri,  where 
families  held  only  a  few  slaves,  their  close  environments 
enabled  the  slaves  to  acquire  such  individual  character  in 
habits  of  morality,  industry  and  responsibility  as  would  enable 
them  to  make  a  living  for  themselves  and  become  compara¬ 
tively  good  citizens,  and  in  hundreds  of  such  cases  their  mas¬ 
ters  manumitted  them,  and  these  manumitted  men  were  setting 
an  example  to  others  and  making  an  incentive  which  they  had 
not  had  before.  So  that  by  this  time  if  there  had  been  no  war 
or  senseless  fanatical  interference,  a  great  majority  of  the 
slaves  would  be  free  and  would  have  become  citizens  well 
qualified  for  all  duties,  including  the  franchise,  and  those  still 
in  bondage,  if  any,  would  have  been  honestly  striving  to  emu¬ 
late  the  example  set  before  them  by  the  more  progressive  and 
competent. 

I  have  said  that  we  were  fortunate  in  living  in  our  day  and 
generation,  but  we  have  many  other  things  to  be  thankful  for. 

We  should  be  thankful  that  we  for  the  Union  had  for  our 
leader  from  start  to  finish  one  whom  we,  his  contemporaries, 
believe  to  have  been  the  greatest  of  the  human  kind;  one  who 
spent  his  early  life  in  loneliness,  poverty  and  toil,  and  whose 
after  lot  fell  to  lead  our  mighty  hosts;  yet  with  these  extreme 
vicissitudes  he  was  always  the  same  great,  good  and  lovable 
spirit,  “with  malice  toward  none  and  charity  for  all.” 

We  should  be  thankful,  too,  that  our  adversaries  had  for 
their  leader  perhaps  the  greatest  man  and  patriot  next  to  Lin¬ 
coln  in  this  greatest  of  wars  of  history.  This  is  no  disparage- 


382 


APPENDIX 


ment  to  Grant,  Jackson  (Stonewall),  Sherman  or  Johnston 
(J.  E.),  for  Lee  had  the  most  difficult  part:  it  is  easier  to  be 
great  when  triumphant  than  to  be  great  when  vanquished. 
Lee  showed  his  patriotism  from  the  day  of  his  surrender  to 
the  day  of  his  death  by  becoming  a  humble,  useful  and  law- 
abiding  citizen,  setting  an  example  to  many  of  his  more  tur¬ 
bulent  countrymen  that  was  of  untold  value  in  the  rehabilita¬ 
tion  of  the  Union  as  it  is  today;  another  and  greater  Cincin- 
natus  because  he  had  the  moral  force  and  patriotism  to  guide 
his  millions  of  vanquished  hut  unconquered  followers  back  to 
the  flag — to  a  loyal  obedience  and  support  of  the  laws  of  those 
who  vanquished  them — thus  doing  perhaps  more  than  any 
other  to  bring  about  Whittier’s  beautifully  expressed  hope 
that 

“The  Nortli  and  South  together  brought 
Shall  own  the  same  electric  thought. 

In  peace  a  common  flag  salute. 

And  side  by  side  in  labor’s  free 
And  unresentful  rivalry, 

Harvest  the  fields  wherein  they  fought.” 

We  should  he  thankful,  too,  that  we  had  such  valiant  and 
chivalrous  adversaries  as  the  Confederate  soldiers  proved  to 
be.  Had  they  been  craven  or  of  evil  purpose,  as  many  politi¬ 
cal  warriors  claimed  them  to  be,  and  we  had  more  lightly 
overcome  them,  it  would  have  been  natural  to  try  and  sub¬ 
jugate  and  exploit  them,  and  surely  the  sequel  would  have 
then  been  different.  The  Unionists  in  arms  respected  the 
Confederates  in  arms  and  vice  versa,  neither  practiced  the 
water  cure  nor  any  such  kindred  barbarisms;  they  were  pa¬ 
triots  all  fighting  heroically  and  chivalrously,  each  for  what 
they  believed  the  right  as  it  had  been  given  them  to  see  the 
right. 

And  last  hut  not  least  we  should  he  thankful  that  the  nation 
had  those  brave  soldiers,  Union  and  Confederate,  of  border 
States,  the  true  Highlanders  of  America,  of  the  Appalachian 
Range  and  west  to  Texas,  men 


ADDRESS  BEFORE  SOCIETY,  ARMY  OF  THE  CUMBERLAND 


383 


“Who  feared  not  to  put  it  to  the  touch 
And  win  or  lose  it  all.” 

None  fled  their  country  to  escape  the  draft,  but  boldly  took 
up  arms  according  to  conviction,  son  against  father,  brother 
against  brother. 

In  this  connection  I  overheard  soon  after  the  war  a  dispute 
between  two  Congressmen  from  Indiana  and  Massachusetts 
as  to  which  of  their  two  States  had  furnished  the  greatest  pro¬ 
portion  of  soldiers  without  draft.  General  Tom  Crittenden,  of 
the  Regular  Army,  late  a  Major  General  in  the  Union  Army, 
whose  brother  had  been  a  Major  General  in  the  Confederate 
Army,  sitting  near,  interposed,  saying:  “Gentlemen,  you 
should  be  ashamed  to  admit  that  you  submitted  to  any  draft 
at  all.  Kentucky  furnished  her  full  quota  to  both  sides  with¬ 
out  drafting.” 

Companions  of  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland,  I  have  men¬ 
tioned  these  incidents  attending  the  beginning  of  the  war  for 
the  Union,  not  for  your  enlightenment,  for  they  are  well  known 
to  you,  but  to  lay  the  foundation  for  convincing  our  children 
and  grandchildren  who  do  not  know:  that  the  country  at  large 
does  not  yet  appreciate  the  patriotism,  chivalry,  heroism  and 
fortitude  of  the  Confederate  soldier. 

It  seems  that  we,  while  yet  alive,  should  rise  and  testify  to 
them  of  what  we  have  seen  and  known,  for  we  soldiers  of  the 
Union  have  had  ample  praise  and  honor  to  the  ends  of  the 
earth:  but  they  have  been  comparatively  forsaken  even  by 
their  selfish  and  perfidious  professed  friends  in  Europe  who 
once  encouraged  them. 

After  Appomattox  high  officials  in  England  who  had  first 
urged  them  to  war,  and  the  English  press,  which  had  encour¬ 
aged  it  by  constant  agitation  and  misrepresentation,  now 
turned  against  them  in  their  adversity. 

The  London  Dispatch  of  June  10,  1865,  used,  among  much 
else  that  was  false,  the  following  language: 

“It  was  clear  that  a  people  who  had  not  heart  enough  to 


384 


APPENDIX 


destroy  their  property  that  they  might  defend  their  rights 
were  neither  fit  to  fight,  nor  worthy  of  any  fate  but  that  of 
submission  to  oppression,  that  they  were  not  soldiers,  that 
the}'  were  wholly  unworthy  of  their  cause,  and  that  they  were 
only  fit  subjects  to  tyranny.” 

To  which  the  late  Confederate  General,  Robert  H.  Ander¬ 
son,  of  Georgia,  replied  in  the  public  press,  proving  by  statis¬ 
tics  that  the  whole  Confederate  army  had  lost  more  in  killed 
and  wounded  in  four  years’  war  than  the  entire  British  army 
of  the  whole  British  Empire  had  lost  in  the  wars  of  the  pre¬ 
ceding  one  hundred  years. 

But  here  was  a  terrible  war  where  the  combatants  on  neither 
side  had  any  purpose  of  conquest,  subjugation  or  exploitation, 
and  to  our  successors  it  is  hard  to  explain  how  it  came  about. 
It  may  probably  be  better  explained  by  the  fable  of  the  two 
knights  traveling  in  opposite  directions  who  met  opposite  a 
road  sign  painted  black  on  one  side  and  white  on  the  other. 
After  salutations  the  knight  on  the  black  side  remarked  the 
strangeness  of  painting  a  sign  black,  whereupon  he  on  the 
other,  ever  ready  to  correct  errors,  informed  his  new  ac¬ 
quaintance  that  the  sign  was  not  black,  but  white.  After  dis¬ 
putation  they  decided  to  settle  the  question  by  combat,  so 
after  jousting  about  for  a  while  their  positions  became  so 
changed  that  black  was  white  and  white  was  black,  when  each 
glancing  at  the  sign,  one  said  to  the  other:  “What  are  we 
fighting  about?”  “Well,  you  said  the  sign  was  black.”  “Why, 
so  I  did,  and  it  did  look  black  to  me  then,  but  now  I  see  that 
you  were  right  and  it  is  white.” 

And  so  with  the  Union  and  Confederate  soldiers. 

The  die  was  cast  for  war  by  political  and  fanatical  agita¬ 
tors,  and  millions  of  the  best  men  in  the  world  rose  to  arms, 
nearly  one-half  of  them  minors,  ready  to  sacrifice  their  lives 
as  patriots  for  what  they  believed  their  rights  assailed  and 
likely  to  be  lost;  but  after  jousting  about  for  four  long  and 
bloody  years  they  found  that  each  was  jousting  for  the  same 
object;  that  the  Confederates  had  formed  their  Confederacy, 


ADDRESS  BEFORE  SOCIETY,  ARMY  OF  THE  CUMBERLAND  385 

their  Constitution  and  their  laws  almost  identical  with  those 
of  the  Union. 

Shortly  after  the  war  in  a  conversation  with  Mr.  Lanham,  a 
member  of  Congress  from  Texas  and  a  warm  personal  friend, 
he  told  me  in  discussing  our  different  parts  in  the  war  that 
his  father  and  mother  and  neighbors  taught  him  the  war  was 
a  holy  and  righteous  one;  so  that  at  the  age  of  fourteen  he 
enlisted,  believing  religiously  in  what  he  had  been  taught, 
until  he  came  to  a  halt  in  Pickett’s  charge  at  Gettysburg  and 
saw  a  Union  soldier  about  his  own  age,  a  bright-faced  boy 
who  asked  for  water  from  his  canteen.  Asking  how  badly  he 
was  hurt,  the  boy  replied: 

“I  am  mortally  wounded,  but  thank  God  I  am  dying  in  a 
good  cause.” 

From  that  hour  Lanham  said  he  saw  there  were  two  sides 
to  the  question.  He  years  afterwards  told  the  same  story  from 
the  floor  of  the  House. 

Incidents  like  this,  but  more  than  all  Lincoln’s  address  at 
Gettysburg,  led  the  soldiers  of  both  armies  to  the  conclusion 
that  all  were  fighting  for  the  same  end,  which  made  it  easier 
for  the  Appomattox  surrender  and  the  greatest  fraternal 
reconciliation  of  which  the  world  has  history. 

I  have  said  that  nine-tenths  of  the  native  Americans  who 
afterwards  became  soldiers  in  the  war  had  no  part  or  interest 
in  the  crimination  and  recrimination  that  brought  it  about 
and  only  took  part  after  the  die  was  cast  and  war  was  on, 
and  as  this  is  even  at  this  day  a  broad  statement,  it  may  not 
be  immodest  in  me  to  relate  some  of  my  exceptional  opportu¬ 
nities  for  forming  this  and  other  opinions  stated  in  this 
address. 

I  was  born  in  the  border  State  of  Indiana,  partially  edu¬ 
cated  at  West  Point,  a  citizen  of  another  border  State,  Texas, 
for  four  years  prior  to  the  war.  There  I  studied  law  under 
Colonel  Waddell,  a  former  member  of  Congress  from  Ken¬ 
tucky,  then  a  district  judge,  and  had  charge  of  his  plantation 
with  thirty  slaves  while  he  was  on  his  circuit  court,  and  as  a 


386 


APPENDIX 


surveyor  and  engineer  became  fairly  well  acquainted  with  its 
people,  who  I  know  were  satisfied  and  contented  with  the 
Union  as  it  was.  But  when  the  die  was  cast  and  war  was 
practically  on  I  went  to  Washington,  asked  and  was  given  a 
commission  in  the  regular  army,  and  had  a  sword  made  with 
this  sentiment  inscribed  thereon: 

“No  abolition,  no  secession,  no  compromise,  no  reconstruc¬ 
tion,  the  Union  as  it  was  from  Maine  to  Texas — Anson  Mills, 
1st  Lieutenant,  18th  U.  S.  Infantry,  May  14,  1861.” 

This  sword  I  carried  throughout  the  war  and  have  it  still  in 
my  possession. 

I  served  in  the  field  with  my  regiment  for  the  full  term  of 
the  war  without  sickness  or  on  leave,  and  participated  in  all 
its  battles,  serving  with  the  regular  brigade,  First  Division, 
Fourteenth  Army  Corps,  Army  of  the  Cumberland. 

To  illustrate  how  easy  it  sometimes  is  for  a  small  number 
of  political  agitators  and  fanatical  reformers  in  any  commu¬ 
nity  or  nation  to  compromise  the  whole  to  a  policy  farthest 
from  the  thoughts  of  nine  out  of  ten,  I  will  take  my  own  State, 
Texas;  the  methods  there  used  being  more  familiar  to  me, 
hut  in  all  other  States  that  claimed  to  secede  similar  methods 
to  circumvent  the  comparatively  dormant  wishes  of  the  great 
majority  were  employed. 

These  fanatics  and  demagogues  knew  that  Governor  Hous¬ 
ton  would  not  call  the  Legislature  in  behalf  of  secession,  and 
even  if  he  did  that  the  Legislature  would  not  pass  such  an  act, 
so  they  resorted  to  that  cure-all  now  so  popular  with  present- 
day  fanatical  reformers,  the  “initiative,  referendum  and  re¬ 
call.” 

Circulars  were  sent  to  men  in  each  district  known  to  be 
violent  agitators,  stating  that  a  crisis  had  arisen  which  could 
not  he  dealt  with  by  ordinary  methods  and  inviting  them  to 
nominate  suitable  men  to  assemble  in  the  Capital  to  consider 
the  question  of  secession.  In  a  short  time  they  met  and  passed 


ADDRESS  BEFORE  SOCIETY,  ARMY  OF  THE  CUMBERLAND  387 


a  resolution  which  they  asked  the  Governor  to  approve.  When 
he  declined  they  passed  another,  declaring  the  office  of  Gover¬ 
nor  vacant  and  authorized  the  Lieutenant  Governor  (Lubbock) 
to  assume  the  duties  of  Governor,  appointing  a  committee  to 
accompany  Lubbock  to  demand  the  keys  to  the  office  from  the 
Governor.  Houston  declared  their  action  unlawful,  saying 
that  were  he  a  younger  man  he  would  see  the  State  drenched 
in  blood  before  he  Mould  submit,  but  turning  over  the  keys  to 
Lubbock  and  beating  the  dust  from  his  feet  on  the  door  sill, 
said :  “Governor  Lubbock,  I  hope  you  may  leave  this  office  as 
unsullied  as  I  leave  it  today.” 

Although  two  of  his  sons  became  Confederate  soldiers,  one 
being  killed  in  battle,  he  took  no  part  in  the  affairs  of  the  war 
save  on  one  occasion  near  the  end  when  one  of  the  last  regi¬ 
ments  raised  M  as  assembled  in  Austin,  Lubbock  invited  Hous¬ 
ton  to  review  the  regiment  before  it  marched  to  battle. 

He  accepted  and  M’hen  the  regiment  Mas  presented  to  him, 
gave  only  these  two  commands: 

“Soldiers,  eyes  right.  Do  you  see  Governor  Lubbock  equip¬ 
ped  for  Mar?  No,  you  do  not  see  him. 

“Soldiers,  eyes  left.  Do  you  see  Governor  Lubbock  equip¬ 
ped  for  Mar?  No,  you  do  not  see  him.  He  is  a  Marrior  in 
peace,  but  no  warrior  in  Mrar.” 

Houston  being  the  most  venerated  man  in  Texas,  his  sar¬ 
casm  Mreakened  the  faith  of  its  Confederates  in  arms. 

In  March,  1801,  when  I  arrived  in  Washington  I  met  Lieu¬ 
tenant  William  R.  Terrill  of  the  artillery  from  Virginia,  mt1io 
had  been  my  instructor  at  West  Point,  and  asked  him  to  rec¬ 
ommend  me  for  service  in  the  army,  which  he  did,  remarking 
there  M  ould  probably  be  a  terrible  war  forced  upon  the  people 
unnecessarily  and  it  Mas  the  duty  of  all  to  light  for  their 
convictions. 

He  Mas  an  earnest,  faithful  soldier  and  Christian  gentleman 
and  rose  rapidly  to  the  rank  of  Brigadier  General  of  Union 
Volunteers,  and  Mas  killed  at  the  battle  of  Perrvville,  Kv., 
Oct.  8,  1862. 


388 


APPENDIX 


Meanwhile  his  brother,  James  B.  Terrill,  had  attained  the 
rank  of  Brigadier  General  in  the  Confederate  army  and  was 
killed  at  the  battle  of  Bethesda  Church,  Virginia,  May  30,  1864. 

After  Appomattox,  their  father  had  their  bodies  brought 
back  to  their  home  in  Virginia  and  buried  them  in  the  same 
grave,  erecting  a  monument  over  it  and  a  brief  record  of  their 
lives  and  deaths,  placing  below  in  his  despair: 

“This  monument  erected  by  their  father.  God  alone  knows 
which  was  right.” 

But  now  that  the  passions  of  war  are  past,  shall  we  not  all 
and  every  one  exclaim  that  they  were  both  right  and  there 
can  not  in  justice  be  any  distinction  as  to  the  patriotism, 
chivalry  and  honor  of  these  two  brothers,  and  so  with  all  of 
the  combative  force. 


“No  culprits  they,  though  ire  and  pride 
Had  laid  their  better  mood  aside.” 


Now  let  us  try  to  point  a  moral  to  this  our  experience:  Not¬ 
withstanding  the  fact  that  the  tireless  and  ceaseless  thinkers 
and  doers  have  by  devices  and  combinations  reduced  the  toil 
of  brawn  and  muscle  by  perhaps  sixty  per  cent  and  increased 
food,  shelter  and  raiment  many-fold,  both  in  quantity  and 
quality,  so  there  is  abundance  for  all  who  are  willing  to  pay 
the  price  in  mild  and  easy  effort:  unrest  is  again  abroad  in 
the  land  and  the  fanatical  and  political  agitators  are  teaching 
that  the  do-less,  shiftless  and  thriftless  should  share  equally 
with  the  ceaseless  and  tireless  doers  in  everything  that  is  pro¬ 
duced  under  pain  of  the  stoppage  of  all  progress  unless 
granted,  no  rewards  and  no  forfeits. 

Let  us  implore  our  children  and  grandchildren  to  study  well 
these  questions  lest  they  in  turn  be  led  to  the  misconceived 
belief  that  there  is  pending  an  irrepressible  conflict,  a  feud 
that  naught  but  blood  can  atone;  and  in  conclusion  commend 


ADDRESS  BEFORE  SOCIETY,  ARMY  OF  THE  CUMBERLAND  389 

to  them  the  admonition  of  Doctor  Lyman  Beecher,  of  three 
generations  past,  who  evidently  had  in  view  our  present  con¬ 
dition,  of  which  here  is  an  extract: 

“We  must  educate!  We  must  educate!  Or  we  must  perish 
by  our  own  prosperity.  If  we  do  not,  short  will  be  our  race 
from  the  cradle  to  the  grave.  If  in  our  haste  to  be  rich  and 
mighty,  we  outrun  our  literary  and  religious  institutions,  they 
will  never  overtake  us:  or  only  come  up  after  the  battle  of 
liberty  is  fought  and  lost,  as  spoils  to  grace  the  victory,  and  as 
resources  of  inexorable  despotism  for  the  perpetuity  of  our 
bondage. 

“We  did  not,  in  the  darkest  hour,  believe  that  God  had 
brought  our  fathers  to  this  goodly  land  to  lay  the  foundation 
of  religious  liberty,  and  wrought  such  wonders  in  their  preser¬ 
vation,  and  raised  their  descendants  to  such  heights  of  civil 
and  religious  liberty,  only  to  reverse  the  analogy  of  His  provi¬ 
dence,  and  abandon  His  work. 

“No  punishments  of  Heaven  are  so  severe  as  those  for  mer¬ 
cies  abused:  and  no  instrumentality  employed  in  their  irfflic- 
tion  is  so  dreadful  as  the  wrath  of  man.  No  spasms  are  like 
the  spasms  of  expiring  liberty,  and  no  wailing  such  as  her 
convulsions  extort. 

“It  took  Rome  three  hundred  years  to  die;  and  our  death,  if 
we  perish,  will  be  as  much  more  terrific  as  our  intelligence 
and  free  institutions  have  given  us  more  bone,  sinew  and 
vitality.  May  God  hide  from  me  the  day  when  the  dying 
agonies  of  my  country  shall  begin !  0  thou  beloved  land, 

bound  together  by  the  ties  of  brotherhood,  and  common  in¬ 
terest,  and  perils,  live  forever — one  and  undivided.” 


390 


ADDRESS  BEFORE  THE  ORDER  OF  INDIAN  WARS,  ON 
“THE  BATTLE  OF  THE  ROSEBUD” 

March  2,  1917 

Mr.  Commander,  companions  and  guests:  I  have  been  re¬ 
quested  to  describe  to  you  my  recollections  this  evening  of 
the  Battle  of  the  Rosebud.  General  Godfrey  last  year  gave 
you  a  description  of  the  Battle  of  the  Little  Big  Horn  most 
excellently.  I  hope  I  can  approach  him  in  my  efforts  tonight. 

I  speak  without  notes  from  memory  only,  after  a  lapse  of 
forty  years,  and  will  doubtless  he  incorrect  in  many  things, 
but  several  officers  of  my  regiment  who  engaged  in  the  battle 
are  present  and  may  correct  me,  particularly  Colonel  Lemlv, 
then  a  Lieutenant,  who  wrote  a  detailed  account  immediately 
after  the  battle  which  I  have  never  seen;  it  would  be  interest¬ 
ing  if  he  would  read  it  so  you  may  compare  it  with  my  recol¬ 
lection  after  forty  years. 

As  the  Battle  of  the  Rosebud  was  so  different,  although  sec¬ 
ond  in  importance  in  the  Sioux  war  to  the  Battle  of  the  Little 
Big  Horn  (in  that  it  only  occupied  about  four  and  a  half 
hours),  I  am  going  to  ask  you  to  indulge  me  a  few  minutes  to 
tell  you  some  of  the  happenings  which  led  up  to  this  fight  with 
the  Sioux  Indians. 

First  I  want  to  say  I  have  had  a  great  deal  of  experience 
with  wild  animals  and  wild  Indians,  and  so  far  as  I  know  the 
buffalo  were  the  only  wild  animals  wholly  nomadic,  having 
no  habitation  or  home,  and  their  companions,  the  Sioux  In¬ 
dians,  are  the  only  humans  that  were  entirely  nomadic. 

Coronado  tells  us  of  his  great  explorations  through  northern 
“New  Spain,”  of  the  movement  of  the  Indian  cows,  as  the 
Spaniards  called  them,  and  their  companions,  the  Indians,  in 
his  marches  northward  from  the  Pecos  River  (where  the  In¬ 
dians  had  never  before  seen  horses,  they  using  dogs  for  their 
pack  animals,  and  the  Spaniards  had  never  before  seen  buffalo 
and  so  called  them  cows),  with  the  buffalo  and  Indians  to  the 
Platte  River  near  what  is  now  McPherson,  Nebraska,  so  that  to 


ADDRESS,  THE  BATTLE  OF  THE  ROSEBUD 


391 


understand  our  discussion,  with  the  relations  that  the  Army 
had  to  the  Sioux,  we  ought  to  understand  that  they  were  con¬ 
firmed  nomads  as  much  as  the  buffalo  that  furnished  their 
supplies.  I  have  seen  the  whole  face  of  the  earth  covered  with 
buffalo  moving  at  from  four  to  six  miles  an  hour. 

In  1857-58  I  traveled  twice  back  and  forth  through  Kansas, 
Indian  Territory  and  Texas  to  the  Pecos  River  (the  buffalo 
never  went  west  or  south  of  the  Pecos  River),  and  encountered 
the  buffalo  and  Indians  moving  back  and  forth;  the  buffalo  in 
such  great  numbers  that  I  felt  the  earth  tremble  under  their 
movement,  and  we  were  obliged  to  stop  our  vehicles  and  turn 
the  animals’  heads  in  the  direction  of  the  buffaloes’  flight, 
firing  our  pistols  to  scare  them  away. 

In  1865,  after  the  surrender  of  Appomattox,  my  regiment, 
the  18th  U.  S.  Infantry,  was  ordered  from  Fort  Leavenworth 
to  Fort  McPherson,  Nebr.  The  Union  Pacific  Railroad  was 
just  then  being  commenced  from  Omaha,  and  it  was  not  known 
then  what  route  we  ought  to  take  to  the  Pacific,  so  the  govern¬ 
ment  ordered  Colonel  Carrington  (in  my  reference  to  officers 
to  avoid  confusion  with  higher  brevet  rank,  I  will  use  only 
their  actual  rank  at  the  time)  to  open  a  road  through  the 
Northwestern  Territory,  and  he  proceeded  to  obey  that  order 
with  his  twenty-four  company  regiment,  building  the  new  forts 
of  Fetterman,  Reno,  Phil.  Kearny  and  C.  F.  Smith,  a  march  of 
about  fifteen  hundred  miles  through  the  then  State  of  Nebraska 
and  Territories  of  Wyoming,  Dakota  and  Montana. 

Colonel  Carrington  established  these  posts  with  the  greatest 
expense,  carrying  all  kinds  of  necessary  material,  saw  mills, 
hardware,  and  everything  essential  to  building  first-class  posts. 

This  was  done  without  the  consent  of  the  Indians,  who  then 
generally  occupied  the  wild  country.  After  the  establishment 
of  the  posts  the  Indians  immediately  began  to  annoy  and 
harass  them,  and  finally  after  they  had  assaulted  the  forts 
several  times,  the  largest,  Phil.  Kearny,  was  unsuccessfully 
attacked,  and  a  detachment  of  over  one  hundred  men  under 
Captain  Fetterman  was  sent  out  by  Colonel  Carrington  to 


392 


APPENDIX 


attack  the  Indians,  who,  after  their  manner  ambushed  and 
surrounded  them,  and  killed  all  the  officers  and  men  before 
any  rescue  could  be  made  from  the  post. 

Finally  the  Government  became  alarmed  and  withdrew  the 
soldiers  from  these  posts  so  suddenly  that  they  were  unable  to 
take  with  them  the  valuable  stores,  munitions,  furniture  and 
supplies,  leaving  everything  to  be  destroyed  by  the  Indians.  I 
was  one  of  the  captains  of  that  regiment. 

The  Indians  then  demanded  that  all  the  troops  be  perma¬ 
nently  withdrawn  from  their  country,  and  a  Commission  was 
organized  consisting  of  Generals  Harney,  Sherman,  Terry  and 
others,  they  formulating  a  treaty  in  1868  by  which  they  gave 
the  Sioux  in  perpetuity  all  these  lands,  and  agreed  that  they 
would  never  be  dispossessed  without  the  agreement  of  three- 
fourths  of  the  Indians. 

Time  passed  on.  I  was  transferred  to  the  cavalry,  and 
strangely  enough  in  1872,  I  was  ordered  back  to  the  command 
of  North  Platte  Station,  a  sub-post  of  Fort  McPherson,  where 
my  regiment,  undpr  Carrington,  was  in  ’65. 

The  Union  Pacific  Railroad  had  then  been  completed,  though 
the  Indians  and  buffalo  were  making  their  annual  pilgrimage 
across  the  road  as  before,  to  the  north  in  the  summer,  and  the 
south  in  the  winter,  accompanied  by  the  nine  confederated 
tribes  of  the  Sioux — Brules,  Ogallalas,  Minneconjous,  Uncapa- 
pas,  Two  Kettle,  San  Arcs,  Lower  Brules,  Yanktons  and  Gan- 
tees,  associated  with  them  were  also  the  Northern  Cheyennes 
and  Northern  Arapahoes. 

As  the  Indians  were  entirely  dependent  upon  the  bjuffalo  for 
subsistence,  the  buffalo  became  the  controlling  factor  in  the 
change  that  then  took  place,  by  refusing  to  longer  cross  the 
road,  and  the  buffalo  took  up  their  permanent  abode  north  of 
the  Platte  River,  the  last  of  the  buffalo  passing  in  1874. 

There  were  different  ideas  as  to  what  impelled  the  buffalo 
to  come  to  this  conclusion,  but  most  probably  the  smoke  and 
noise,  and  the  terrible  appearance  of  the  engine,  resembling 
huge  monster  animals,  prevented  the  buffalo  from  attempting 


ADDRESS,  THE  BATTLE  OF  THE  ROSEBUD 


393 


to  cross,  and  consequently  they  never  returned  south  after 
their  northern  trip  in  ’74.  The  Indians,  of  course,  for  obvious 
reasons,  following  permanently. 

There  can  be  no  reasonable  doubt  but  that  the  forebears  of 
these  Indians  and  these  buffalo  were  the  companions  of  Cor¬ 
onado  in  his  wonderful  exploration  (for  that  day),  from  the 
Pecos  to  the  Platte  (over  four  hundred  years  ago)  at  the  great 
forks  near  the  present  city  of  North  Platte  and  these  Indians 
were  the  adversaries  we  were  to  meet  at  Rosebud. 

Here  at  North  Platte,  while  the  buffalo  were  hesitating  to 
go  north  permanently,  I  often  met  and  became  well  acquainted 
with  Spotted  Tail,  Chief  of  the  Brules,  the  greatest  and  best 
chief  I  ever  knew. 

When  hostilities  with  the  Indians  actually  began,  the  Indian 
Department  turned  over  its  entire  control  to  the  War  Depart¬ 
ment,  which  soon  after  for  misbehavior,  removed  Red  Cloud 
from  the  chieftainship  of  the  Ogalalas,  and  Spotted  Tail  was 
ordered  to  and  did  succeed  him  as  chief  of  all  the  Indians  on 
the  reservation,  which  extended  south  to  the  North  Platte 
River,  and  military  officers  were  ordered  to  expel  all  trespass¬ 
ers  on  any  part  of  the  Indian  reservation. 

Spotted  Tail,  with  a  great  portion  of  his  Indians,  remained 
around  North  Platte  until  some  time  in  1873,  when  his  agency 
was  established  on  the  headwaters  of  the  White  River,  on  a 
branch  called  Bear  Creek,  near  the  boundary  between  Ne¬ 
braska  and  Dakota.  Here  he  assembled  all  his  tribe,  some 
four  thousand. 

In  the  winter  of  1874-5  General  Crook  directed  me  to  follow 
Spotted  Tail  and  build  at  his  agency  a  five-company  post,  to  be 
called  Camp  Sheridan  (three  cavalry  and  two  infantry  com¬ 
panies),  in  which  Lieutenant  Lemly  assisted.  This  camp  was 
built  down  the  river  a  mile  and  a-half  below  the  original  one. 

Like  Carrington,  we  were  furnished  with  everything  neces¬ 
sary:  soldier  labor,  saw,  shingle  and  lath  mills,  hardware  and 
some  thirty  skilled  artisans,  and  as  we  were  in  a  pine  forest, 
many  trees  were  felled,  and  the  lumber  from  them  placed  in 


394 


APPENDIX 


the  building  on  the  same  day.  There  were  no  contracts,  no 
delays  in  construction,  and  it  was  probably  the  cheapest,  most 
satisfactory,  and  most  rapidly  constructed  post  ever  built  by 
the  Army. 

Shortly  before  this  Lieutenant  Colonel  Custer,  with  an  expe¬ 
dition  including  engineers,  mining  experts,  and  geologists,  had 
been  ordered  to  make  an  exploration  of  the  Black  Hills.  Custer 
returned,  reporting  gold  in  the  hills,  which  excited  the  western 
people  so  they  began  to  move  in  from  all  directions. 

This  again  aroused  the  Indians,  and  it  became  apparent  that 
there  would  be  trouble.  General  Sheridan  issued  orders  to 
myself  and  adjacent  commanders  to  prevent  the  whites  from 
violating  the  Indian  non-intercourse  law  by  arresting  and 
destroying  outfits  for  that  purpose. 

I,  together  with  a  co-operative  detachment  from  Fort  Ran¬ 
dall,  commanded  by  Captain  Fergus  Walker,  on  May  21st, 
destroyed  by  fire  a  wagon  train  with  mining  equipment  des¬ 
tined  for  the  Black  Hills,  under  the  command  of  one  Major 
Gordon,  at  a  point  now  known  as  Gordon  City,  returning  the 
party,  which  numbered  about  seventy-five  people,  to  Fort  Ran¬ 
dall,  confining  Gordon  at  Camp  Sheridan. 

The  Indians  at  my  agency,  and  I  presume  at  the  others,  were 
constantly  forming  war  parties  to  go  out  against  these  tres¬ 
passing  miners,  and  Spotted  Tail,  realizing  the  critical  status, 
made  a  confidant  of  me,  and  frequently  reported  as  near  as 
he  could  the  probable  time  and  number  of  warriors  that  were 
leaving  his  agency,  suggesting  that  I  intercept  them  by  sending 
out  soldiers  to  head  them  off,  which  I  often  did. 

As  they  were  acting  in  violation  of  his  orders,  it  was  difficult 
for  him  and  the  other  Sioux  chiefs  to  know  where  they  went, 
and  for  what  purpose,  but  he  did  his  very  best  to  suppress  the 
insurrection  which  was  then  before  him. 

The  War  Department  has  kindly  furnished  us  with  two  large 
photographic  maps,  to  which  I  call  your  attention.  The  first 
represents  a  portion  of  the  States  of  Colorado  and  Nebraska, 
and  the  Territories  of  Wyoming,  Dakota  and  Montana.  On 


ADDRESS,  THE  BATTLE  OF  THE  ROSEBUD 


395 


this  map  I  have  indicated  Carrington’s  route  from  Kearny  to 
C.  F.  Smith  in  green  ink,  and  underscored  Forts  McPherson, 
Laramie,  Fetterman,  Reno,  Phil.  Kearny  and  C.  F.  Smith,  the 
last  four  being  built  by  Carrington.  I  have  also  indicated  in 
red  squares  the  seven  principal  engagements  during  the  Sioux 
war.  Powder  River,  Little  Rig  Horn,  Tongue  River,  Rosebud, 
Slim  Buttes,  Mackenzie’s  Fight,  and  later  Miles’  Rattle  of  Wolfe 
Mountain.  The  Camp  on  Goose  Creek  is  marked  with  a  red 
circle. 


396 


APPENDIX 


The  other  map  covers  the  Rosebud  battle-field,  enlarged  from 
one  in  Cyrus  Townsend  Brady’s  book.  In  my  further  remarks 
I  will  refer  to  those  maps  by  names  and  letters. 

The  roving  bands  of  Indians  from  the  nine  Sioux  agencies 
continued  their  resentful  depredations  during  the  fall  of  ’75, 
and  finally  a  hostile  party  attacked  Fort  Fred  Steele  in  con¬ 
siderable  numbers,  entering  the  parade  ground  and  killing  five 
or  six  soldiers  right  in  the  presence  of  the  officers  and  men  of 
the  command.  About  the  same  time  a  similar  attack  was  made 
on  Fort  Fetterman,  and  the  Indians  pinned  one  of  the  soldiers 
they  had  killed  to  the  ground  with  sticks  in  sight  of  the  troops. 

In  March  of  ’76  the  War  Department  ordered  General  Crook 
to  send  a  force  from  Fort  Fetterman  to  chastise  any  of  these 
roving  bands  wherever  found.  General  Crook  commanded 
this  expedition  which  left  Fort  Fetterman,  and  proceeded  by 
the  Carrington  route  to  the  Tongue  River,  then  down  the 
Tongue  River,  crossing  over  and  attacking  a  large  force  of 
Indians  at  Powder  River.  Through  some  misunderstanding  it 
did  not  turn  out  very  favorably,  and  it  was  considered  advis¬ 
able  for  the  troops  to  return  to  the  vicinity  of  Fort  Fetterman. 

The  War  Department  and  the  Interior  Department  then  con¬ 
cluded  to  make  general  war  on  these  hostile  Indians  in  the 
field,  and  General  Terry  and  General  Crook  were  directed  to 
organize  armies,  the  former  at  the  mouth  of  Powder  River, 
and  the  latter  at  Fort  Fetterman. 

The  aggregate  number  of  the  nine  Sioux  agencies  was  sup¬ 
posed  to  be  about  sixty  to  sixty-five  thousand  souls,  the  Minne- 
conjous  being  the  greatest  in  number,  and  the  most  hostile,  but 
it  was  not  known  by  any  one  how  many  Indians  had  left  each 
of  the  agencies,  or  where  they  had  gone;  however,  it  was  sup¬ 
posed  that  they  would  follow  the  buffalo  wherever  they  might 
be,  so  Terry  was  to  assail  them  from  the  north  and  Crook 
from  the  south. 

Crook  had  to  do  everything  hastily,  and  a  more  incongruous 
army  could  hardly  be  conceived  of ;  packers,  guides,  teamsters. 


ADDRESS,  THE  BATTLE  OF  THE  ROSEBUD 


397 


and  camp  followers  of  all  kinds,  were  assembled  together  with 
regular  troops  from  different  parts  of  the  country. 

Finally  we  started  from  Fort  Fetterman  on  May  29th,  with 
twenty  companies  of  regular  troops,  fifteen  of  cavalry  and  five 
of  infantry,  amounting  to  over  one  thousand  soldiers.  We 
followed  Carrington’s  route  but  before  we  reached  Fort  Reno, 
communication  with  our  base  was  forbidden  because  of  the 
danger  from  the  surrounding  hostile  Indians,  and  we  could 
neither  receive  supplies  nor  return  our  sick  and  disabled. 

It  might  add  a  little  spice  to  my  story  to  relate  some  of  the 
humorous  incidents  that  occurred  on  this  very  somber  and 
serious  expedition. 

In  organizing  the  wagon  train  at  Fort  Fetterman,  the  wagon- 
master  had  unintentionally  employed  a  female  teamster,  but 
she  was  not  discovered  until  we  neared  Fort  Reno,  when  she 
was  suddenly  arrested,  and  placed  in  improvised  female  attire 
under  guard.  I  knew  nothing  of  this,  hut  being  the  senior 
Captain  of  Cavalry,  having  served  as  a  Captain  for  sixteen 
years,  and  being  of  an  inquisitive  turn  of  mind,  I  had  become 
somewhat  notorious  (for  better  or  worse). 

The  day  she  was  discovered  and  placed  under  guard,  uncon¬ 
scious  of  the  fact,  I  was  going  through  the  wagon-master’s  out¬ 
fit  when  she  sprang  up,  calling  out  “There  is  Colonel  Mills,  he 
knows  me,”  when  everybody  began  to  laugh,  much  to  my 
astonishment  and  chagrin,  being  married. 

It  was  not  many  hours  until  every  man  in  the  camp  knew 
of  the  professed  familiarity  of  “Calamity  Jane”  (as  she  was 
known)  with  me,  and  for  several  days  my  particular  friends 
pulled  me  aside,  and  asked  me  “who  is  ‘Calamity  Jane’?”  I, 
of  course,  denied  any  knowledge  of  her  or  her  calling,  but  no 
one  believed  me  then,  and  I  doubt  very  much  whether  they 
all  do  yet. 

We  carried  her  along  until  a  force  was  organized  to  carry 
our  helpless  back,  with  which  she  was  sent,  but  she  afterwards 
turned  out  to  be  a  national  character,  and  was  a  woman  of  no 
mean  ability  and  force  even  from  the  standard  of  men.  I 


398 


APPENDIX 


learned  later  that  she  had  been  a  resident  of  North  Platte,  and 
that  she  knew  many  of  my  soldiers,  some  of  whom  had  prob¬ 
ably  betrayed  her.  Later  she  had  employed  herself  as  a  cook 
for  my  next-door  neighbor,  Lieutenant  Johnson,  and  had  seen 
me  often  in  his  house,  I  presume. 

When  we  arrived  at  Fort  Phil.  Kearny  the  whole  command 
went  into  camp  near  that  ruined  post  on  the  headwaters  of 
Goose  Creek,  between  its  two  forks,  almost  under  the  shadow 
of  Cloud  Peak  of  the  Big  Horn  Mountains,  where  General 
Crook  had  made  arrangements  to  meet  250  friendly  Indians, 
Shoshones,  Crows  and  Snakes. 

The  wagons,  supplies,  and  animals  were  parked  for  defense 
hv  the  teamsters  and  civilian  employes  and  we  made  ready 
to  proceed  against  the  Sioux  as  soon  as  joined  by  the  Indians. 

The  friendly  Indians  having  arrived  on  the  morning  of  June 
16th,  we  started  out  to  find  the  Sioux.  I  did  not  think  that 
General  Crook  knew  where  they  were,  and  I  did  not  think 
our  friendly  Indians  knew  where  they  were,  and  no  one  con¬ 
ceived  we  would  find  them  in  the  great  force  we  did. 

General  Crook  ordered  his  classmate.  Major  Chambers,  to 
select  from  the  one  thousand  mules  a  sufficient  number  on 
which  to  mount  his  infantry  soldiers.  Chambers  and  his 
officers  protested,  but  Crook  was  obdurate  and  compelled  him 
to  do  so  suddenly  but  very  reluctantly. 

Captain  Stanton  was  our  engineer  officer,  and  in  order  to 
make  good  in  his  scientific  profession,  equipped  himself  with 
a  two-wheeled  gig,  drawn  by  a  mule,  which  he  ornamented 
with  odometers,  thermometers,  barometers,  and  other  ometers, 
not  forgetting  some  creature  comforts,  visible  to  the  men  as 
they  passed  and  repassed.  The  road  was  extremely  rough 
even  for  the  cavalry,  there  being  no  trail,  and  as  the  soldiers 
were  required  to  carry,  each  one  on  his  person,  four  days’ 
simple  rations,  the  sight  of  his  wheeled  conveyance  aroused 
their  jealousy  and  envy,  and  whenever  he  appeared  they  would 
cry  out,  “Mother’s  Pies,  Mother’s  Cakes,”  etc.,  making  life  a 
burden  to  him.  After  he  had  progressed  a  few  miles  the  gig 


ADDRESS,  THE  BATTLE  OF  THE  ROSEBUD 


399 


broke  down  and  lie  reluctantly  abandoned  it,  where  I  presume 
it  lies  todajr  (but  for  illness  he  would  be  here),  and  I  have 
promised  to  explain  that  he  did  not  ride  the  gig,  but  a  horse. 

We  marched  thirty-five  miles  the  first  day  until  we  came  to 
a  lake  or  swamp  of  about  five  hundred  yards  diameter,  the 
headwaters  of  the  Rosebud,  which  f  have  marked  on  the  small 
map.  We  left  Chambers’  command  several  miles  in  the  rear, 
and  when  we  had  bivouacked  our  camp  on  three  sides  of  the 
lake,  leaving  the  fourth  side  of  the  rectangle  for  Chambers 


BATTLE  OF  THE 
ROSEBUD 


AA  A  A  CRAZY  HORSES 
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SI— 


Drawn  from  a 
SKETCH  BY  THE 
AUTHOR,  MADE 
FROM  NOTES 
AND  DESCRIPTIONS 
FURNISHED  BY 

General  Mills. 

CyrusTownsend  Brady, 

Author. 


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»  ooooo  Friendly 
|  Indians 

l - Soldiers 

f  A- Mills  Battalion 
:  B  -  Noyes 
C-Henrys 
D  -VanVliets  .« 

E  -  Chambers  Mounted 
Infantry  and  Pack 
Train 

a  a  a  -  M  ills  march  down 

THE  CANON  AND  RE¬ 
TURN  TO  THE  FIELD 

b  bb-  Retreat  of 

Inians  around  rear 
ofCrooks  Army 

F-  Indian  Village 
G  -  Dam  andAmbuscade 


400 


APPENDIX 


when  he  arrived,  the  officers  and  many  of  the  men  walked 
over  to  observe  the  military  movements  of  the  “mule  brigade,” 
as  it  was  called. 

Chambers  was  proud  and  ambitious  to  do  his  duty,  however 
humiliating  and  disagreeable,  as  well  as  he  could,  so  when  the 
leading  company  came  near  the  line  designated,  he  gave  the 
command,  “Left  front  into  line”  in  military  style,  and  the  first 
company  came  into  line,  but  no  sooner  had  the  mules  halted 
when,  after  their  custom,  they  began  to  bray  as  loud  as  they 
could,  making  extra  effort  in  accord  with  the  extra  effort  they 
had  made  to  carry  their  strange  burden  into  camp.  The 
cavalry  officers  began  to  laugh  and  roar.  As  the  other  com¬ 
panies  began  to  halt,  Chambers  lost  courage  and  with  oaths 
and  every  evidence  of  anger,  threw  his  sword  down  on  the 
ground  and  left  the  command  to  take  care  of  itself  as  best  it 
could. 

We  remained  there  that  night.  There  were  no  buffalo,  and 
we  could  not  learn  anything  from  the  friendlies  about  the 
enemy.  The  next  morning,  the  17th,  at  sunrise  we  started  on 
our  march  down  the  Rosebud,  without  any  indication  of  dan¬ 
ger.  General  Crook  had  previously  to  do  only  with  the  semi- 
nomadic  tribes,  and  from  conversations  with  him  I  felt  he  did 
not  realize  the  prowess  of  the  Sioux,  though  it  was  hard  to 
think  that  he  was  not  well  informed  by  his  numerous  guides, 
scouts  and  especially  the  250  friendly  Indians. 

About  9.30  or  10  o’clock,  General  Crook  being  with  Captain 
Henry’s  squadron  marked  “C”  on  the  left  bank,  signalled  a 
halt.  Van  Vliet’s  squadron  “D”  was  in  the  rear  of  Henry,  and 
Chambers’  battalion  marked  “E”  was  in  the  rear  of  Van  Vliet, 
and  the  packers  were  in  the  rear  of  Chambers.  My  squadron 
of  four  troops  of  the  Third  was  in  the  advance  on  the  right 
bank  marked  “A,”  followed  by  Captain  Noyes  with  five  com¬ 
panies  of  the  Second  marked  “B.”  Everything  was  quiet,  the 
day  was  beautiful,  clear  and  very  warm.  All  had  unbridled 
and  were  grazing  for  perhaps  half  to  three-quarters  of  an  hour, 
when  my  colored  servant  observed  he  heard  shouting,  and 


ADDRESS,  THE  BATTLE  OF  THE  ROSEBUD  401 

knowing  that  his  ears  were  better  than  mine,  I  advanced  up 
the  hill  towards  “D”  until  1  got  to  a  high  piece  of  ground, 
when,  looking  north,  I  saw  on  the  crest  of  the  horizon  about 
two  miles  distant,  great  numbers  of  moving  objects,  looking 
somewhat  like  distant  crows  silhouetted  on  the  clear  sky  above 
the  horizon.  I  soon  came  to  the  conclusion  that  they  were 
Indians  in  great  numbers. 

The  friendly  Indians  were  supposed  to  be  in  advance  to  find 
the  enemy  for  us.  General  Crook  and  the  troops  on  the  left 
bank  of  the  river  were  prevented  from  seeing  anything  to  the 
north  by  the  rising  bluffs  between  them  and  the  approaching 
Indians.  I  am  satisfied  that  I  was  the  first  person  to  observe 
the  coming  hostiles. 

They  were,  when  I  first  saw  them,  from  two  to  three  miles 
distant,  coming  at  full  speed  towards  us  and  cheering.  I  im¬ 
mediately  sounded  the  alarm,  directing  some  of  my  squadron 
to  mount,  and  calling  out  to  General  Crook,  who  was  playing 
cards  with  some  of  his  officers,  that  the  Sioux  were  rapidly 
approaching. 

He  ordered  me  to  report  to  him  with  my  squadron  at  once. 
When  I  met  him  after  crossing  the  stream,  which  was  very 
boggy,  I  told  him  we  were  about  to  be  attacked  by  a  large 
force,  and  that  the  Indians  were  coming  from  due  north.  He 
told  me  to  march  rapidly  and  as  soon  as  I  got  to  higher  ground 
to  take  the  bluffs  and  hold  them.  I  did  so.  What  orders  he 
gave  to  others  I  have  never  known.  There  are  members  of 
the  Third  Cavalry  here,  and  they  would  probably  correct  me 
if  I  made  mistakes.  In  all  of  this  fight  I  do  not  remember  to 
have  received  a  single  order  except  from  General  Crook  per¬ 
sonally  or  his  Adjutant,  Major  Nickerson. 

I  marched  as  rapidly  as  I  could  through  the  rough  and 
broken  rocks,  and  as  soon  as  I  got  on  smoother  ground  gave 
the  command  “front  into  line,”  and  sounded  the  charge. 

There  were  two  prominent  rocky  ridges,  the  first  about  a 
half  mile  from  where  I  met  General  Crook,  and  the  second 
probably  about  a  half  mile  further  on.  When  I  reached  the 


402 


APPENDIX 


first  ridge  the  leading  Indians  were  there  but  gave  way.  There 
were  large  boulders  at  its  foot,  some  large  enough  to  cover 
the  sets  of  four  horses.  I  dismounted  and  directed  the  horse 
holders  to  protect  them  behind  these  rocks,  advancing  the  men 
to  the  top  of  the  ridge  where  the  boulders  were  smaller,  hut 
of  a  size  to  protect  one  or  two  soldiers,  and  appeared  to  be 
just  what  we  wanted  to  fight  behind.  We  met  the  Indians  at 
the  foot  of  this  ridge,  and  charged  right  in  and  through  them, 
driving  them  back  to  the  top  of  the  ridge.  These  Indians  were 
most  hideous,  every  one  being  painted  in  most  hideous  colors 
and  designs,  stark  naked,  except  their  moccasins,  breech  clouts 
and  head  gear,  the  latter  consisting  of  feathers  and  horns; 
some  of  the  horses  being  also  painted,  and  the  Indians  proved 
then  and  there  that  they  were  the  best  cavalry  soldiers  on 
earth.  In  charging  up  towards  us  they  exposed  little  of  their 
person,  hanging  on  with  one  arm  around  the  neck  and  one  leg 
over  the  horse,  firing  and  lancing  from  underneath  the  horses’ 
necks,  so  that  there  was  no  part  of  the  Indian  at  which  we 
coidd  aim. 

Their  shouting  and  personal  appearance  was  so  hideous  that 
it  terrified  the  horses  more  than  our  men  and  rendered  them 
almost  uncontrollable  before  we  dismounted  and  placed  them 
behind  the  rocks. 

The  Indians  came  not  in  a  line  hut  in  flocks  or  herds  like  the 
buffalo,  and  they  piled  in  upon  us  until  I  think  there  must  have 
been  one  thousand  or  fifteen  hundred  in  our  immediate  front, 
but  they  refused  to  fight  when  they  found  us  secured  behind 
the  rocks,  and  bore  off  to  our  left.  I  then  charged  the  second 
ridge,  and  took  it  in  the  same  manner  and  fortified  myself  with 
the  horses  protected  behind  the  larger  boulders  and  the  men 
behind  the  smaller  ones. 

These  Indians  lived  with  their  horses,  were  unsurfeited  with 
food,  shelter,  raiment  or  equipment,  then  the  best  cavalry  in 
the  world;  their  like  will  never  be  seen  again.  Our  friendlies 
were  worthless  against  them;  we  would  have  been  better  off 
without  them. 


ADDRESS,  THE  BATTLE  OF  THE  ROSEBUD 


403 


In  the  second  charge  my  trumpeter,  Elmer  Snow’s  horse 
became  unmanageable,  and  he  could  not  halt  him  but  con¬ 
tinued  through  the  Indians,  receiving  a  wound  shattering  the 
bones  of  both  forearms,  but  guiding  his  horse  with  legs  only 
he  described  a  circle  of  several  hundred  yards,  returning  to 
us  and  throwing  himself  on  the  ground. 

On  our  right  we  were  absolutely  protected  by  the  jagged  and 
rough  places  down  to  the  Rosebud  Canyon,  so  we  were  most 
fortunate  in  securing  this  position. 

On  examining  my  front  after  taking  the  first  ridge,  I  found 
that  one  of  my  troops,  Captain  Andrews,  was  missing,  and 
learned  that  Colonel  Royal  had  cut  him  off  and  directed  that 
he  report  to  him,  as  he  was  moving  to  the  left  with  Captain 
Henry’s  squadron.  We  could  see  little  of  the  left,  as  the  ground 
depressed  and  the  rough  rocks  obscured  vision  of  what  was 
going  on  by  either  the  Indians  or  Henry’s,  Van  Vliet’s  and 
Royal’s  commands. 

I  observed  about  this  time  two  troops  which  I  afterwards 
learned  were  Van  Vliet's,  going  to  “D”  on  the  south  bluff,  and 
later  saw  them  proceed  in  a  northwesterly  direction  towards 
where  we  could  hear  firing  from  Henry’s  and  Royal’s  com¬ 
mands. 

Soon  after  I  took  the  first  bluff  the  infantry  took  position  on 
my  left  and  Captain  Noyes  with  his  five  troops  arrived,  and 
was  placed  in  reserve  by  General  Crook  in  our  rear  and  left, 
and  the  infantry  joined  on  the  ground  lying  on  my  left. 
General  Crook  held  his  position  near  my  squadron  between 
my  squadron  and  Noyes’  during  the  entire  battle,  hut  I  had 
little  communication  with  him  save  when  he  came  to  me  to 
give  orders,  and  I  knew  little  of  what  was  going  on  until  finally 
most  of  the  Indians  left  my  front.  About  12.30  he  ordered. me 
to  take  my  command  of  three  troops  and  ordered  Captain 
Noyes  with  his  five  troops  to  report  to  me,  and  proceed  with 
the  eight  down  the  canyon  and  take  the  village,  which  he  said 
he  had  been  reliably  informed  was  about  six  miles  down  the 
canyon. 


404 


APPENDIX 


Henry,  who  was  one  of  the  best  cavalry  officers  I  ever  knew, 
moved  off  as  indicated  on  the  map. 

This  canyon  was  about  six  miles  long.  I  was  directed  to 
follow  it  until  I  came  to  the  village,  and  take  it,  and  hold  it 
until  he  came  to  my  support  with  the  rest  of  the  command. 
I  obeyed  the  order  until  I  reached  the  vicinity  of  the  village, 
when  I  heard  a  voice  calling  me  to  halt,  and  Major  Nickerson, 
the  Adjutant  General,  directed  me  to  return  at  once  to  General 
Crook.  Some  of  the  officers  advised  not.  “We  have  the  vil¬ 
lage,”  they  said,  “and  can  hold  it.”  Nickerson  then  came 
across  the  stream.  I  asked  him,  “Are  you  sure  he  wants  me  to 
go  back?”  He  replied  he  was. 

The  canyon  had  opened  here  so  I  found  I  could  climb  the 
rocks  and  get  out,  as  indicated  on  the  map. 

I  returned  about  2.30  and  found  General  Crook  in  about  the 
same  position  I  had  left  him,  and  said,  “General,  why  did  you 
recall  me?  I  had  the  village  and  could  have  held  it.”  I  never 
saw  a  man  more  dejected.  He  replied,  “Well,  Colonel,  I  found 
it  a  more  serious  engagement  than  I  thought.  We  have  lost 
about  fifty  killed  and  wounded,  and  the  doctors  refused  to 
remain  with  the  wounded  unless  I  left  the  infantry  and  one  of 
the  squadrons  with  them.”  He  said,  “I  knew  I  could  not  keep 
my  promise  to  support  you  with  the  remainder  of  the  force.” 

The  General  had  assembled  the  hospital  around  him  and 
the  infantry,  also  two  battalions  near  him.  In  visiting  my 
wounded,  Captain  Henry  heard  my  voice  and  called  me.  I 
did  not  know  until  then  that  he  had  been  wounded,  and  going 
to  him,  found  his  breast  all  covered  with  clotted  blood,  his 
eyes  swollen  so  he  could  not  see,  and  a  ghastly  wound  through 
both  cheeks  under  the  eyes.  I  said,  “Henry,  are  you  badly 
wounded?”  and  he  replied,  “The  doctors  have  just  told  me 
that  I  must  die,  but  I  will  not.”  And  he  did  not,  although  nine 
out  of  ten  under  such  circumstances  would  have  died.  Henry 
and  I  were  rival  captains  in  the  same  regiment,  but  always 
friends. 

Though  the  Third  Cavalry  had  less  than  one-half  of  the  sol- 


ADDRESS,  THE  BATTLE  OF  THE  ROSEBUD 


405 


diers  engaged,  their  loss  in  killed  and  wounded  was  about 
four-fifths,  principally  of  Henry’s  and  Van  Vliet’s  squadrons 
and  Andrews’  company  of  mine,  that  of  Vroom’s  company 
being  the  greatest  in  proportion,  this  owing  to  their  isolated 
exposure  on  level  ground  where  the  Indians  could  pass  through 
them. 

The  officers  then  mingled  and  talked  over  the  fight.  I 
learned  that  Royal,  with  Henry’s  and  Van  Vliet’s  squadrons 
and  my  troop  E  had  gone  to  the  extreme  left,  where  the  ground 
was  open,  and  that  when  the  1,000  or  1,500  Indians  had  refused 
to  fight  in  the  rocks  they  had  swung  around  and  overwhelmed 
them,  charging  bodily  and  rapidly  through  the  soldiers,  knock¬ 
ing  them  from  their  horses  with  lances  and  knives,  dismount¬ 
ing  and  killing  them,  cutting  the  arms  of  several  off  at  the 
elbows  in  the  midst  of  the  fight  and  carrying  them  away. 

They  then  swung  around  and  passed  over  the  halting  ground 
we  had  made  at  9.30  in  the  morning,  capturing  some  horses 
and  killing  an  Indian  boy  left  there.  We  then  all  realized  for 
the  first  time  that  while  we  were  lucky  not  to  have  been  entirely 
vanquished,  we  had  been  most  humiliatingly  defeated,  and  that 
the  village  which  Custer  was  to  meet  only  seven  days  later, 
fourteen  miles  west  on  the  Little  Big  Horn,  contained  probably 
15,000  or  20,000  souls,  perhaps  4,000  or  5,000  warriors,  and  that 
perhaps  only  half  of  them  had  met  us  in  battle,  and  that  had 
my  command  remained  at  the  village  not  one  of  us  would 
have  returned. 

In  fact,  I,  with  General  Crook,  visited  this  village  site  in  our 
fall  campaign,  and  he  told  me  I  ought  to  have  been  thankful 
to  him  for  returning  me  from  that  canyon  as  they  were  as  well 
or  better  equipped  to  destroy  me  as  they  were  to  destroy  Custer 
and  his  command,  and  here  I  want  to  pay  a  tribute  to  both 
Colonel  Custer  and  Captain  Henry.  I  knew  both  as  long  as 
they  lived,  and  have  been  acquainted  with  nearly  all  prominent 
cavalry  officers  during  my  service,  and  they  were  always  in 
my  mind  typical  cavalry  soldiers  of  the  U.  S.  Army.  I  always 
resented  criticisms  that  were  made  against  Custer  by  men  from 


406 


APPENDIX 


General  Terry  down,  who  had  little  or  no  knowledge  of  Indian 
warfare.  While  a  good  man,  Terry  was  not  familiar  with 
Indian  warfare. 

The  next  day  we  returned  to  our  camp  on  Goose  Creek, 
where  General  Crook  and  all  of  us  made  very  brief  reports  of 
the  battle,  having  little  pride  in  our  achievement.  General 
Crook  asked  for  reinforcements,  and  went  into  camp  awaiting 
them,  meanwhile  we  amused  ourselves  by  hunting  and  fishing 
in  the  Big  Horn  Mountains,  both  General  Crook  and  I  being 
very  fond  of  hunting.  We  spent  much  time  in  the  mountains, 
and  some  two  days  later,  after  the  Custer  engagement,  I  and 
my  Lieutenant,  Schwatka,  went  to  the  peak  of  the  Big  Horn 
Mountains,  the  northernmost  point,  thinking  we  might  observe 
something  in  that  direction,  it  being  about  thirty-five  or  forty 
miles  to  the  Rosebud.  About  2  p.m.  we  observed  a  great  smoke, 
and  realized  that  there  had  been  a  tight.  Returning  to  camp 
in  the  night,  we  reported  to  General  Crook.  About  June  30th, 
I,  with  my  squadron,  being  the  outpost  on  the  lower  Goose 
Creek,  observed  at  sunrise  some  smoke  which  created  suspi¬ 
cion,  and  looking  down  the  valley  I  saw  three  mounted  men 
coming  toward  me,  which  I  first  thought  were  Indians,  but  later 
discovered  that  they  were  white  men  on  mules.  Privates  James 
Bell,  William  Evans,  and  Benj.  F.  Stewart,  Company  “E,”  7th 
Infantry  (who  were  awarded  medals  on  December  2,  1876), 
and  I  rode  to  them.  They  handed  me  a  dispatch  from  General 
Terry  to  General  Crook,  stating  that  Custer  and  his  command 
had  been  massacred  and  that  they  had  been  sent  by  General 
Terr}'  to  carry  his  message  to  General  Crook.  Crook  was  in 
the  mountains  hunting.  I  carried  the  dispatch  to  Colonel 
Royal,  commanding  the  camp,  who  opened  it,  and  read  the 
dispatch,  which  horrified  the  assembled  officers. 

He  ordered  me  with  my  full  company  to  carry  it  as  rapidly 
as  I  could  to  General  Crook,  and  after  climbing  about  eighteen 
miles  in  the  mountains  I  found  him  returning  with  his  pack 
mules  loaded  down  with  elk,  deer  and  big  horn  sheep.  He 
read  the  dispatch,  and  while  all  of  us  were  horrified  and 


ADDRESS,  THE  BATTLE  OF  THE  ROSEBUD 


407 


oppressed  with  mortification  and  sympathy  for  the  dead  and 
wounded,  there  was  with  all,  particularly  in  General  Crook’s 
expression,  a  feeling  that  the  country  would  realize  that  there 
were  others  who  had  underrated  the  valor  and  numbers  of 
the  Sioux. 

While  General  Crook  was  a  cold,  gray-eyed  and  somewhat 
cold-blooded  warrior,  treating  his  men  perhaps  too  practically 
in  war  time,  there  yet  ran  through  us  a  feeling  of  profound 
sympathy  for  his  great  misfortune,  while  at  the  same  time  we 
had  a  still  more  profound  sympathy  for  the  other  gallant  and 
more  sympathetic  Custer — at  least,  most  of  us.  There  were 
some  there,  I  regret  to  say,  who  had  ranked  him  and  over 
whom  he  was  promoted,  that  would  insinuate,  “I  told  you  so,” 
and  for  these  sentiments  the  majority  of  us  had  no  respect. 

Finally,  we  were  joined  by  General  Merritt  and  the  entire 
Fifth  Cavalry,  and  the  fall  campaign  ensued.  After  its  termi¬ 
nation  I  was  returned  to  the  command  of  Camp  Sheridan,  my 
former  post,  and  was  directed  by  General  Crook  to  enter  into 
communication  with  Chief  Touch  the  Clouds  of  the  Minne- 
conjous,  whose  tribe  still  remained  hostile,  and  I  proposed  to 
approach  him  through  Spotted  Tail  and  try  to  induce  him  to 
surrender.  He  approved,  and  I  fitted  up  Spotted  Tail  with 
about  thirty  of  his  friendly  Indians,  rations  and  pack  mules, 
and  he  proceeded  to  the  camp  of  Touch  the  Clouds,  and  after 
some  protracted  negotiations  induced  him  to  return  and  sur¬ 
render  at  a  given  time,  about  thirty  days  in  advance,  stipu¬ 
lating,  however,  that  he  was  to  be  received  with  honors  when 
he  joined  Spotted  Tail’s  band.  This  reception,  according  to 
Indian  tradition,  consisted  of  the  following  program: 

When  a  hostile  band  agrees  to  return  to  peace  and  join  it;, 
former  friends,  the  hosts  are  supposed  to  be  captured  by  them* 
the  tribe  to  be  joined  is  notified  when  the  tribe  joining  will 
approach;  the  approaching  tribe  is  drawn  up  in  war  paint  in 
apparent  hostile  array,  and  with  great  shouts  and  whooping, 
charge  through  the  receiving  village,  who  stand  out  receiving 
them  with  cheers,  apparently  of  joy;  the  charging  Indians 


408 


APPENDIX 


firing  their  pieces  in  every  direction  save  toward  their  sup¬ 
posed  make-believe  enemies.  After  charging  fully  through  the 
village  they  return  again,  dismounting,  and  shake  hands  with 
their  newly-made  friends,  and  direct  their  squaws  to  pitch  their 
tepees  around  those  of  the  village.  Chief  Touch  the  Clouds 
sent  in  word  that  he  would  like  to  make  a  formal  surrender, 
and  if  General  Crook  and  his  staff  would  appear  on  the  parade 
ground  of  the  military  post,  he,  with  his  principal  chiefs — 
about  thirty  in  number — would  gallop  in,  mounted  as  with 
hostile  intent,  and  when  arrived  within  a  few  yards  of  the 
General,  would  cast  their  arms  on  the  ground.  And  this  cere¬ 
mony  was  actually  gone  through  by  General  Crook  and  his 
staff  officers.  The  arms  they  threw  down  were  pieces  of  no 
value. 

It  will  be  observed  that  the  ethics  of  the  North  American 
Indians  did  not  differ  materially  from  the  ethics  of  the  bar¬ 
barians  now  fighting  in  Europe,  in  that  they  wanted  no  peace 
without  victory. 

Touch  the  Clouds  surrendered  about  1,500  Minneconjous,. 
which  increased  Spotted  Tail’s  tribe  to  nearly  6,000. 


409 


* 


ADDRESS  BY  GENERAL  CHARLES  KING,  GIVEN  BEFORE 
THE  ORDER  OF  INDIAN  WARS,  FEB.  26,  1921. 

Nearly  half  a  century  has  rolled  by  since  the  summer  of 
the  Sioux  campaign,  wherefore  there  must  be  far  less  time 
before  than  behind  us,  and  I  shall  waste  none  of  it  in  telling 
of  the  causes  of  that  memorable  clash.  It  was  the  climax  of 
a  long  series  of  troubles  beginning  with  the  Grattan  affair 
near  old  Fort  Laramie  in  ’58.  It  was  the  supreme  effort  of 
the  strongest  nation  of  the  wild  frontier,  backed  by  their 
friends  and  allies,  even  better  horsemen  and  warriors  than 
Ogalalla,  Uncpapa,  Minneconjou  or  Brule — the  famous  North¬ 
ern  Cheyennes.  It  started  with  every  hope  and  prospect  of 
success,  so  far  as  such  chieftains  as  Sitting  Bull,  Crazy  Horse, 
Gall,  and  Rain-in-the-Face  could  see,  yet  Red  Cloud,  he  who 
planned  and  plotted  the  Fort  Phil  Kearny  massacre  of  1866, 
and  compelled  the  Great  Father  to  abandon  the  Montana  route 
by  way  of  the  Big  Horn,  and  to  withdraw  his  scant  and  scat¬ 
tered  forces  to  the  line  of  the  Platte,  was  no  longer  in  active 
service.  They  would  have  been  better  advised  and  better  led 
had  he  been  afield,  rather  than  semi-paralvzed  back  at  the 
agency. 

Be  this  as  it  may,  the  young  men  of  even  the  far  Blackfeet 
and  Sans  Arc  had  swarmed  to  the  camp  of  Sitting  Bull  in 
the  heart  of  Indian  story  land.  The  Indian  Bureau  had  at 
last  given  up  all  hopes  of  inducing  them  to  come  in  and  be 
good.  The  War  Department  had  been  besought  to  bring 
them  to  terms,  and  by  early  March  there  had  ventured  forth 
from  Fort  Fetterman  across  the  ice-bound  Platte  a  column  of 
horse,  headed  by  an  undeniably  gallant  general  of  Civil  War 
experience,  but  of  savage  warfare  as  undeniably  inexpert,  and 
again  had  the  soldiers  of  the  Great  Father  found  the  Sioux 
far  too  numerous  and  skillful  even  when  amazed  at  the  com¬ 
ing  of  cavalry  through  snow  drifts  and  bitterest  cold  to  look 


410 


APPENDIX 


them  up  in  their  winter  lair.  Again  had  our  guidons  to  come 
drifting  back  to  the  shelter  of  the  forts,  some  of  our  leaders 
to  face  courts-martial,  our  men  the  merciless  chaffing  of  com¬ 
rades  of  the  infantry  and  civilians  by  the  dozen  in  Cheyenne 
and  Laramie.  It  was  an  unhappy  springtide  in  the  Depart¬ 
ment  of  the  Platte.  It  was  mid  May  before  matters  really 
got  going  again.  Then  three  big  expeditions, — big  as  such 
things  seemed  to  us  in  those  days, — launched  forth  to  concen¬ 
trate  on  the  hostiles  known  to  be  in  force  somewhere  south 
of  the  Yellowstone  and  north  of  the  Big  Horn  range,  and  with 
George  Crook  and  the  infantry  and  cavalry  of  the  Depart¬ 
ment  of  the  Platte  marching  northward  from  Fort  Fetter- 
man.  with  Alfred  H.  Terry  and  his  combined  forces  heading 
westward  from  Bismarck  and  Fort  Abraham  Lincoln,  and 
John  Gibbon,  with  most  of  the  soldiery  of  the  Upper  Mis¬ 
souri  at  his  back,  striding  for  the  junction  of  the  Yellowstone 
and  the  Big  Horn  rivers,  it  began  to  look  as  though  the  Indian 
at  last  would  have  to  fight  with  equal  numbers  instead  of 
big  odds  in  his  favor.  The  question  was  whether  our  red 
brother  would  let  us  concentrate  about  him  or  come  forth 
and  fight  us  in  detail,  and  the  17th  of  June  gave  answer. 

Already  on  June  9th  the  Sioux  had  struck  Crook’s  column 
and  given  it  temporary  pause.  The  Crow  and  Shoshone  allies 
had  been  slow  and  cautious  in  coming  to  join  him,  and  Crook 
believed  he  needed  them.  Pacific  coast  Indians  he  had  fought 
successfully,  even  the  hitherto  intractable  Apaches  whom  he 
whipped  into  subjection  through  skillful  use  of  their  own 
kind  as  scouts  and  trailers.  He  had  won  his  star  over  the 
heads  of  all  the  colonels  in  the  Army  as  reward  for  this 
service.  He  knew  the  Indian  and  his  nature  well,  no  man  in 
our  day  knew  him  better,  but  he  never  yet  had  fought  the 
mounted  warriors  of  the  great  plains.  He  had  been  warned 
by  Bed  Cloud’s  triumph  over  the  Fort  Phil  Kearny  garrison. 
He  had  been  nettled  and  distressed  at  the  failure  of  Beynolds’ 
command  to  nab  Crazy  Horse  ten  years  later,  and  he  had 
underrated  the  prowess  and  valor  of  the  Sioux  and  Chey- 


ADDRESS  BEFORE  THE  ORDER  OF  INDIAN  WARS 


411 


enne.  He  had  taken  the  5th  Cavalry  to  Arizona  and  taught  it 
mountain  scouting  and  Apache  lighting,  and  we  loved  and 
honored  him  for  many  a  trait,  notably  that  lie  personally  led 
and  shared  in  every  peril  and  hardship,  but,  even  in  the  5th 
were  officers  and  men  who  had  fought  the  Indians  of  the 
Southern  plains  and  certain  strong  bands  of  renegade  Sioux, 
Cheyenne  and  Arrapahoe  before  ever  they  went  to  Arizona, 
and  some  of  our  elders  did  not  hesitate  to  say  that  Crook  had 
a  far  different  proposition  ahead  of  him  now,  and  they  were 
not  a  whit  surprised  when,  far  to  the  southward,  we  got  the 
tidings  of  that  day’s  doings  on  the  beautiful  bluffs  of  the 
Rosebud — how  Crook’s  picturesque  allies.  Snake  and  Crow, 
had  come  tearing  back  upon  the  column  in  wild  excitement 
and  disorder,  shouting,  “Heap  Sioux !  Heap  Sioux  •”  instead 
of  the  defiant  battle  cry.  It  was  the  only  time  in  the  whole 
campaign  this  expensive  contingent  actually  got  into  the 
game;  by  the  time  we  really  met  and  fought  the  embattled 
warriors  of  Sitting  Bull  that  summer,  the  last  of  our  Crows 
and  Shoshones  had  flitted  back  to  their  squaws,  where  most 
of  them  properly  belonged. 

Just  as  in  December,  ’66,  wily  Red  Cloud  had  enticed  a 
strong  detachment  out  from  the  walls  of  the  hated  fort  on 
the  Piney  to  the  rescue  of  wood  choppers,  then  in  overwhel¬ 
ming  numbers  engulfed  and  annihilated  to  the  last  man,  so 
on  this  memorable  17th  of  June  it  was  doubtless  the  hope 
and  plan  of  the  red  leaders  to  draw  Crook’s  column  on  down 
the  deep  and  tortuous  Dead  Canon  of  the  Rosebud,  then 
swarm  upon  it  from  every  side.  Anson  Mills,  whose  battalion 
was  the  first  to  mount,  to  charge,  to  scatter  such  of  the  Sioux 
as  were  permitted  to  show  on  the  northward  bluffs,  had  in¬ 
deed  received  orders  to  push  for  the  village  somewhere  down 
stream,  had  already  set  forth  on  his  perilous  mission,  with 
but  a  single  battalion  following  in  support,  everybody  else 
being  busily  engaged  beating  off  the  circling  flocks  of  hostiles 
pecking  away  at  the  flanks  and  rear.  It  was  God’s  mercy 
and  Crook's  second  thought  that  sounded  the  recall  not  one 


412 


APPENDIX 


moment  too  soon.  It  was  a  wise  leader  that  accepted  that 
lesson,  and  with  another  day  had  fallen  back  toward  the 
wagons  and  temporary  safety,  while  couriers  went  in  post 
haste  to  Fetterman  with  the  call  for  big  reinforcements.  The 
Sioux  meantime,  leaving  thirteen  dead  upon  the  field, — which 
meant  at  least  temporary  defeat,— slipped  away  a  less  dis¬ 
tance  to  the  west,  and  there,  eight  days  after  they  had  prac¬ 
tically  turned  back  Crook, — surrounded  and  overwhelmed 
Custer. 

Never  again  until  September  was  either  Crook,  Terry  or 
Gibbon  to  encounter  the  big  array  at  the  beck  of  Sitting  Bull. 
Then  again  it  was  Crook’s  command  that  stirred  them  up. 
Then  again  it  was  the  squadron  leader  who  opened  the  ball  at 
the  Rosebud  who,  far  in  advance  of  our  bedraggled  column, 
rode  slap  into  the  easternmost  village,  and  in  the  first  as  in 
the  last  battle  of  the  luckless  “B.  H.  &  Y.” 1  the  opening 
chorus  was  the  charge  of  Anson  Mills. 

Meantime  some  rather  remarkable  things  had  happened. 
By  easy  marches  Crook  led  his  original  force  of  barely  eleven 
hundred  back  under  the  lee  of  the  Big  Horn  to  the  south. 
By  easy  marches,  after  burying  the  dead  of  the  gallant  but 
ill-starred  7th  Cavalry,  Terry  and  Gibbon  descended  the  Yel¬ 
lowstone.  It  was  the  summer  of  our  discontent;  it  was  the 
proudest  summer  the  Sioux  nation  had  ever  known. 

Under  strong  escort  Crook’s  wagons  went  back  to  Fetter- 
man  with  the  wounded, — Guy  Henry,  the  paladin  of  the  3rd 
Cavalry,  among  them.  With  what  was  supposed  to  be  a  suffi¬ 
cient  force,  Sibley  and  Frank  Gruard  were  sent  scouting  out 
westward,  and  nothing  hut  God’s  mercy  brought  them  back, 
though  Sibley’s  serene  courage  and  Gruard’s  horse  sense  were 
the  instruments  of  the  Divine  Will. 

Riding  by  night  and  hiding  by  day,  Schuyler  of  the  5th 
Cavalry  had  made  the  hazardous  trip  from  Fetterman  to 
find  Crook,  to  join  him  as  aide-de-camp  and  to  tell  him  that 


1  Big  Horn  and  Yellowstone  Expedition. 


ADDRESS  BEFORE  THE  ORDER  OF  INDIAN  WARS 


413 


his  old  Arizona  friends  had  been  gathered  up  from  their  win¬ 
ter  stations  in  Kansas  and  were  en  route  to  Cheyenne,  Fort 
Laramie,  and  thence  to  watch  the  reservations  and  head  off 
reinforcements  for  Sitting  Bull.  There  was  nothing  to  do, 
therefore,  but  await  developments,  and  nothing  came  until 
July  10th,  in  the  person  of  scout  Louis  Richard,  with  the  ap¬ 
palling  news  of  the  Custer  disaster  on  that  very  Sunday  in 
which,  far  to  the  southeast,  the  advance  guard  of  the  5th 
Cavalry  had  discovered  the  broad  Indian  trail  from  Red  Cloud 
toward  Pumpkin  Butte,  and  Anson  Mills  himself,  ever  restless 
and  alert,  had  seen  far  over  to  the  northwest  the  great  white 
cloud  rolling  up  from  the  lowlands  of  the  Little  Rig  Horn,  and 
Richard  bore  despatches  from  Sheridan  to  Crook,  acknowl¬ 
edging  report  of  the  battle  of  June  17th  and  bidding  him, 
“Hit  ’em  again  and  hit  ’em  hard.”  They  had  been  roommates 
at  the  Point,  comrades  in  the  closing  campaign  of  Five  Forks 
and  Appomattox,  and  each  knew  the  other  well.  “I  wonder 
if  Sheridan  could  surround  three  Sioux  with  one  soldier,” 
was  all  Crook  had  to  say.  He  was  up  against  an  Indian  prop¬ 
osition  the  like  of  which  neither  he  nor  Sheridan  had  ever 
known  before. 

And  yet,  could  Crook  only  have  men  and  pack  mules,  he 
was  eager  to  set  forth  and  meet  it.  Here  it  was  midsummer 
and  nothing  accomplished.  Two, — three  weeks  he  waited, 
marveling  at  the  non-appearance  of  the  longed-for  levies.  He 
had  looked  for  them  by  July  5th  or  6th,  and  late  in  July 
learned  to  his  annoyance  that  the  5th  Cavalry  had  gone  back 
to  Laramie  instead  of  coming  on  direct  to  him. 

And  thereby  hangs  a  tale. 

Obedient  to  Sheridan’s  orders,  every  captain  with  his  troop 
and  every  troop  mounting  55  men,  the  5th  Cavalry  had  spent 
the  fall  and  winter  of  ’75-76  in  garrison  in  Kansas,  after 
their  four  years  in  and  long  march  from  Arizona.  They  had 
hailed  with  delight  the  rumor  of  field  service,  and  the  eight 
troops  hurried  by  rail  to  Cheyenne  were  the  envied  of  those 


414 


APPENDIX 


left  to  guard  the  stables  and  quarters  of  their  scattered  sta¬ 
tions.  They  were  led  by  their  Lieutenant  Colonel  Eugene  A. 
Carr,  who,  with  Bill  Cody  for  guide,  had  so  soundly  thrashed 
Tall  Bull’s  big  band  of  desperadoes  in  '68,  who  had  been  regi¬ 
mental  commander  from  the  fall  of  ’71,  and  fully  expected 
to  lead  it  through  the  big  campaign  he  clearly  foresaw.  They 
were  joined  at  Cheyenne  by  their  old-time  scout  and  com¬ 
rade,  Cody  himself,  fresh  from  the  footlights  and  glorying  in 
once  more  being  in  saddle.  They  had  marched  to  Laramie, 
heard  there  much  excited  talk  of  the  Rosebud  affair,  and 
thence  had  jogged  swiftly  northward.  Great  was  the  excite¬ 
ment  at  the  Red  Cloud  and  Spotted  Tail  Reservations  east  of 
Fort  Robinson,  and  Major  Jordan,  there  in  command,  was  in 
eager  telegraphic  communication  with  Sheridan.  By  June 
24th  we  were  trotting  swiftly  down  the  valley  of  Old  Woman’s 
Foi’k  of  the  South  Cheyenne,  and  on  the  unclouded  morning  of 
Sunday,  the  25th,  afar  to  the  north  of  it,  our  advance  guard 
had  found  the  very  trail  as  to  which  Sheridan  desired  infor¬ 
mation.  and,  turning  once  more  southeastward,  had  stirred 
up  a  few  small  war  parties,  too  small  and  too  swift  to  be 
overtaken,  and  on  the  1st  of  July,  just  to  the  west  of  the  Black 
Hills,  had  been  joined  by  the  late  Inspector  of  Cavalry,  Divi¬ 
sion  of  the  Missouri,  Wesley  Merritt  himself.  Our  old-time 
Colonel,  Emory,  had  retired  and  the  older-time  brigade  and 
division  commander  of  Gettysburg,  Five  Forks  and  Appo¬ 
mattox,  had  come  again  to  his  own.  He  had  joined  the  very 
day  of  his  promotion.  Moreover,  he  had  the  latest  word  from 
Sheridan. 

The  next  morning  came  a  long  chase  after  swift-footed 
prowlers;  the  next,  and  the  next,  scouts  up  the  valleys  of 
Hat  and  Indian  creeks,  and  not  until  the  6th  did  we  reach 
the  block  house  on  the  back  track  and  the  old  Black  Hills 
stage  road  that  went  by  way  of  Rawhide  Butte  in  to  Laramie, 
and  here  on  July  7th  we  got  the  news  that  Custer  and  five 
troops  of  the  7th  Cavalry  were  wiped  from  the  face  of  the 
earth. 


ADDRESS  BEFORE  THE  ORDER  OF  INDIAN  WARS 


415 


Merritt  sensed  the  situation  on  the  instant.  Nothing  we 
could  accomplish  in  chasing  small  bands  from  the  reserva¬ 
tion  could  now  equal  Crook’s  need  of  men.  Expectant  of  im¬ 
mediate  orders  to  join  Crook,  he  called  in  his  scouts,  but  there 
we  waited  four  days  longer  before  those  orders  came.  “Back 
to  Laramie  and  thence  to  Fetterman,”  they  read,  and  when 
but  one  day's  ride  from  the  former  post  came  urgent  mes¬ 
sages  from  Jordan  at  Fort  Robinson.  Wild  excitement  among 
the  Southern  Cheyennes 1  We  might  be  needed  there !  East¬ 
ward,  therefore,  Merritt  turned  at  once;  marched  until  late 
afternoon  away  down  on  Rawhide  Creek  to  the  junction  of 
the  Red  Cloud  road  from  Laramie,  and  there,  on  the  15th, 
received  Jordan’s  next  despatch:  “800  Southern  Cheyennes 
start  at  daybreak  to  join  Sitting  Bull!” 

They  didn’t  get  there.  They  had  a  broad,  straight  road 
to  go,  but  in  the  opulence  of  pride,  they  were  taking  their 
families  with  them,  disdainful  of  any  opposition  from  Fort 
Robinson,  or  to  be  expected  before  they  neared  the  camp  of 
Crook.  The  cavalry,  said  their  scouts,  had  hurried  back  to 
the  Platte  to  get  out  of  danger.  They  could  go  on  their  way 
rejoicing  and  they  did.  But,  speeding  day  and  night,  back 
by  the  way  he  came,  far  to  the  west  of  their  line  of  march, 
Merritt  led  the  5th;  threw  them  across  the  path  of  the  Chey¬ 
ennes,  85  miles  in  31  hours,  and  early  on  the  morning  of  the 
17th  met,  charged,  and  in  an  all-day  chase  drove  them  pell 
mell  back  to  the  agencies,  amazed  and  discomfitted;  the  young 
chief,  Yellow  Hand,  dying  in  single  combat  in  the  initial  clash 
with  our  outpost,  Buffalo  Bill’s  first  coup  of  that  campaign. 

It  was  a  hig  thing,  but  it  had  taken  time.  It  took  three  days 
more  to  get  in  to  Laramie,  two  more  to  fit  out  and  start  for 
Fetterman,  and  so  not  until  August  did  we  reach  Crook.  Then, 
with  fourteen  companies  of  seasoned  infantry  under  Alexander 
Chambers,  twenty-five  troops  of  cavalry  of  the  2nd.  3rd  and 
5th  regiments,  a  mule  pack  train  with  each  battalion  (or 
squadron)  and  a  numerous  and  motley  array  of  no-account 
Crows  and  not  much  more  reliable  Snakes,  away  we  went. 


416 


APPENDIX 


leaving  wagons  and  impediments  behind,  with  four  days 
cooked  rations  and  two  weeks’  provisions,  on  a  search  for 
Sitting  Bull  that  was  to  last  for  six  weeks.  And  when  we  finally 
found  him  we  never  suspected  it,  and  could  hardly  have 
harmed  him  if  we  had. 

By  that  time  we  were  wearing  what  was  left  of  the  things 
we  had  on  the  glorious  day  we  marched  so  blithely  away  to 
the  fords  of  the  Tongue  River,  and  now  our  horses  were  worn 
out.  For  the  first  few  days  the  scouts  had  kept  saying  the 
Sioux  were  only  a  few  miles  ahead;  the  valley  of  the  Rosebud 
was  thick  with  their  tracks.  Here  and  there  and  frequently 
we  came  upon  the  aerial  sepulchres  of  the  braves  who  had  suc¬ 
cumbed  to  wounds  received  on  the  17th  or  25th  of  June,  but 
not  a  live  hostile  did  we  see  or  hear  of. 

Six  days  out,  heralded  by  just  such  a  wild  commotion  among 
our  Indian  allies,  we  encountered  coming  up  the  Rosebud  the 
grand  array  of  Terry,  Gibbon  and  Miles,  and  beautiful  was  the 
deployment  of  the  7th  Cavalry  as  they  covered  the  front  and 
came  trotting  out  to  meet  us,  and  ludicrous  was  the  scene 
when  the  two  great  commands  finally  came  together.  “Where 
on  earth  are  the  Indians?”  was  the  question,  and  the  answer 
was  obvious.  Leisurely  and  scientifically  they  had  slipped 
away  between  us. 

Leaving  the  Rosebud  at  the  big  bend,  the  very  point  at 
which  the  allied  yet  opposing  forces  met,  the  broad  trail  led 
away  eastward.  “They’ve  crossed  to  the  Tongue  River,”  said 
the  scouts.  So  to  Tongue  River  we  followed,  all  but  Miles, 
with  the  5th  Infantry  and  the  guns,  who  hurried  back  to  the 
Yellowstone  in  hopes  of  heading  the  Indians  on  a  possible 
northward  retreat. 

The  weather  had  been  gorgeous.  Now  it  turned  to  gloom. 
Day  after  day,  night  after  night  it  rained  a  deluge.  Soaked 
and  bedraggled,  we  reached  the  Yellowstone  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Powder  and  went  into  bivouac.  We  had  no  tentage,  we  of 
the  Crook  expedition  at  least — and  there  he  and  Terry  held 
frequent  conference.  There  we  wasted  about  a  week  waiting 


ADDRESS  BEFORE  THE  ORDER  OF  INDIAN  WARS 


417 


lor  tidings  of  the  foe.  The  steamer  “Far  West”  paddled  up 
with  supplies  for  five  hundred  men,  and  we  had  fully  four 
thousand.  Moreover,  it  now  became  obvious  that  so  far  from 
making  for  Canada,  the  great  mass  of  the  Indians  might  even 
be  making  for  the  Black  Hills  and  the  unguarded  settlements. 
Terry,  as  senior,  wished  to  campaign  northward  in  his  own 
department,  and,  being  in  command  of  the  joint  forces,  might 
have  so  ordered  Crook;  possibly  Crook  believed  it  would 
follow,  and  that  it  was  his  duty  to  protect  his  own  bailiwick. 
At  all  events,  they  parted  company,  and  then  eastward,  past 
O’Fallon  and  Cabin  creek  and  so  on  to  the  Beaver,  and  then 
down  the  Beaver  to  a  point  where  we  halted  while  George 
Bandall  and  the  scouts  rode  afar  off  to  the  Yellowstone.  Not 
until  long  after  did  we  know  why.  Crook,  already  short  of 
supplies,  had  hoped  that  Terry  would  have  them  meet  him  at 
a  designated  point  on  the  Yellowstone,  and  made  the  request 
at  least,  but  Bandall  came  back  reporting  not  a  sign  of  them. 
Eastward  again  we  went  and,  by  way  of  Andrews  creek,  down 
into  the  deep  valley  of  the  little  Missouri,  Indian  signs  every¬ 
where,  said  the  scouts.  Then  up  the  valley  of  Davis  creek  and 
so  on  out  on  the  grand  open  plateau  beyond,  and  another  day 
brought  us  up  standing  near  the  headwaters  of  Heart  Biver, 
Fort  Abraham  Lincoln  five  to  six  days’  long  march  away  to 
the  east,  the  Black  Hills  ten  to  twelve  days’  march  away  to  the 
south,  and  not  three  days’  rations  left  in  the  pack  trains. 

Crook  was  up  against  it  again.  August  had  gone;  September 
had  come  and  not  a  hostile  had  he  killed  or  captured  since 
the  fight  on  the  Rosebud.  Moreover,  our  horses  were  well-nigh 
starving,  so  scant  was  the  grass;  grain,  of  course,  had  long 
since  disappeared.  Our  men  were  out  even  of  tobacco,  and 
no  one  unaccustomed  to  the  use  of  the  really  fine  old  navy 
plug,  then  regularly  issued,  can  begin  to  imagine  what  it  meant 
to  the  soldier  to  be  without  it  on  such  a  campaign.  Crook  felt 
that  the  peril  of  the  settlers  called  him  imperatively  south¬ 
ward.  Though  the  Indian  trails  had  scattered  everywhere  east 
of  the  Tongue,  the  general  trend  was  toward  the  Little  Missouri 


418 


APPENDIX 


and  thence,  said  Gruard,  who  had  lived  for  years  among  them, 
they  were  probably  making  their  way  back  toward  the  reser¬ 
vations  or  at  least  to  the  Black  Hills.  To  march  to  Lincoln 
would  try  the  wearied  and  dejected  soldiery,  and  since  they 
had  to  be  tried,  why  not  make  the  longer  march  to  the  Hills? 
It  was  almost  a  desperate  call,  a  stern  test  of  the  discipline  and 
loyalty  of  the  Old  Army,  but  I  doubt  if  Crook  hesitated  a 
moment.  To  John  Finerty,  the  gallant  and  gifted  Irishman 
who  represented  the  Chicago  Times  all  through  that  summer’s 
meanderings,  he  said,  in  answer  to  query  as  to  how  we  could 
live,  “We  still  have  our  horses!” 

And  horses  it  was!  Two  days  later  the  order  was  issued: 
three  horses  to  be  shot  each  night  in  each  battalion,  and  by 
that  time  most  of  them,  like  their  riders,  were  scarecrows. 
Earlier  in  the  summer  the  long  column  of  infantry,  burdened 
only  with  their  rifles  and  ammunition,  would  set  forth  on 
each  day’s  march  an  hour  ahead  of  the  cavalry,  to  be  over¬ 
hauled  and  passed  before  noon.  Once  across  the  mud  flats  of 
the  Little  Missouri,  all  this  was  reversed.  We  of  the  mounted 
service  would  set  forth  as  soon  as  the  men  had  finished  morn¬ 
ing  coffee  and  scraps  of  bacon,  but  in  an  hour  most  of  the 
command  would  be  afoot,  dragging  their  dejected  steeds,  and 
long  before  noon,  lean,  gaunt  and  wiry,  those  blessed  dough¬ 
boys  would  be  striding  alongside  and  then  ahead,  casually 
asking  could  they  give  us  a  tow. 

Eleven  days  and  eleven  nights  it  rained.  We  slept  on  the 
open  prairie — without  removing  so  much  as  a  boot,  for  many 
of  us  could  not, — wet  to  the  skin  and  sometimes  chilled  to  the 
marrow.  Some  of  us  could  not  stomach  horse  flesh.  Game 
was  scarce  and  high.  We  bivouacked  the  night  of  September 
7th  on  the  banks  of  a  little  stream  and  saw  Anson  Mills,  with 
150  picked  men  and  horses  from  the  3d  Calvary,  push  away 
southward.  “Going  ahead  to  the  Hills,”  said  one  of  the  staff, 
“to  buy  up  everything  eatable  at  Deadwood  and  Crook  City.” 
We  thought  it  might  be  a  week  before  we  saw  them  again.  It 
wasn’t  48  hours. 


ADDRESS  BEFORE  THE  ORDER  OF  INDIAN  WARS 


419 


The  morning  of  September  9th  broke  cold  and  cheerless, 
but  for  a  wonder  it  wasn’t  raining.  The  clouds  hung  low  in 
dripping  mist  over  the  broad  expanse  of  prairie  to  the  south. 
We  had  barely  left  our  dismal  bivouac,  and  were  strung  out 
in  long  columns  of  twos,  some  afoot,  some  astride,  when  afar 
up  at  the  front  there  was  symptom  of  excitement;  then  the 
signal  to  halt.  Merritt  and  brigade  headquarters  were  up 
there,  close  following  Crook  and  his  staff.  Carr,  Lieutenant 
Colonel  commanding  the  5th  Cavalry,  rode  forward  to  see  what 
was  the  matter.  In  five  minutes  he  was  back. 

“Go  back  down  the  colum,”  said  he,  “and  throw  out  every 
horse  that  can’t  carry  a  rider  three  miles  at  a  trot.  Mills  is 
surrounded  by  Sioux  not  twenty  miles  ahead!” 

Before  the  foremost  troop  was  weeded  out,  other  officers 
had  come  spurring  back  and  the  news  flashed  ahead  of  me 
down  the  column.  All  had  been  something  akin  to  dejection 
if  not  disgust;  all  as  suddenly  had  become  alert  and  eager. 
Few  indeed,  in  our  ten  “companies”  seemed  other  than  re¬ 
joiced  that  action  had  come  at  last.  Many  a  man  ordered  to 
rein  out  showed  reluctance,  even  resentment.  Bob  London, 
riding  a  wretched  wreck  of  a  steed  was  one  of  them.  He  was 
our  lightest  weight,  physically,  at  least,  but  that  horse  couldn’t 
have  borne  him  five  miles  at  a  walk.  He  had  already  led  him 
most  of  the  way  from  Heart  River.  Over  the  next  rider  and 
horse  I  hesitated,  and  finally  passed  them,  but  said  the  rider: 
“I  can’t  make  this  horse  carry  me  any  ten  miles.”  London 
spoke  up  at  the  instant:  “I  can  ride  that  horse;  he’ll  carry  my 
weight  every  inch  of  the  way.”  “Take  him,”  was  the  answer. 
“Fall  out.  Blank,”  and  in  this  way  perhaps  a  third  of  our 
number  were  left  to  come  on  with  the  infantry.  The  rest 
spurred  onward  over  the  muddy  trail,  and  even  the  worn-out 
horses  seemed  to  understand.  “Anson  Mills  surrounded!”  It 
sent  a  thrill  throughout  the  entire  command.  By  ten  o’clock, 
off  to  the  right  front  through  the  mists  we  sighted  a  long  line 
of  heights  nearly  parallel  with  our  line  of  march,  and  just 
.about  eleven  the  head  of  column  rode  into  a  sort  of  amphi- 


420 


APPENDIX 


theatre  among  the  buttes,  caught  sight  of  a  herd  of  Indian 
ponies,  placidly  grazing,  and  off  to  the  westward,  facing  the 
bluffs,  a  line  of  sprawling  skirmishers,  then  a  number  of 
Indian  tepees  about  a  mound-like  hill,  around  which  the  head¬ 
quarters  parties  had  ridden,  and  then,  half  way  up  the  gentle 
slope,  serene  and  smiling,  Anson  Mills,  himself,  afoot,  and 
almost  unattended.  He  shook  hands  with  Carr.  “Look  out 
for  that  ravine  yonder,”  he  said,  pointing  southward.  “There’s 
a  wounded  Indian  or  two  in  there,  and  they’ve  picked  off  some 
of  our  fellows.”  Around  to  the  south  of  the  mound,  on  which 
Merritt’s  flag  was  already  displayed,  we  dismounted,  led  our 
horses  into  the  low,  winding  watercourse,  now  practically  dry, 
sent  a  skirminsh  line  forward  to  cover  them,  and  still  had  not 
seen  an  Indian.  It  was  three  o’clock,— later,  possibly, — before 
all  Crook’s  force  had  reached  the  scene,  and  still  not  a  hostile 
showed  anywhere  among  those  encircling  heights  or  over  the 
open  ground  to  the  east. 

By  way  of  diversion,  however,  somebody  had  started  a  move 
to  get  at  those  “one  or  two  wounded  Indians”  in  that  ravine, 
not  a  hundred  yards  from  the  tepee  Carr  had  picked  out  for 
regimental  headquarters,  and  a  hornet’s  nest  was  the  result. 
There  came  a  crashing  volley  from  the  dark  depths  that 
stretched  one  or  two  assailants  and  scattered  the  rest,  and 
brought  Philo  Clark,  of  Crook’s  staff,  with  a  score  of  others, 
officers  and  men,  scurrying  to  the  scene,  and  in  ten  minutes 
one  of  the  liveliest  side  shows  to  an  Indian  battle  was  in  full 
swing.  Finerty  in  his  “War  Path  and  Bivouac”  gives  a  graphic 
picture  of  it  and  of  the  death  of  poor  Buffalo  Chips,  Cody’s 
devoted  follower,  who  ventured  too  close  to  the  cave  in  which 
the  fugitives  were  hiding  and  hoping  for  night  or  rescue. 

Presently  Crook  himself  appeared  and  bade  Gruard  get  the 
ear  of  those  Indians,  promise  them  safety  and  coax  them  out. 
The  firing  ceased,  though  our  men  were  hot  over  the  death 
of  White  of  the  scouts,  and  Kennedy  of  “E”  Troop,  and  four 
or  five  wounded.  Then  presently  the  cave  men  came  forth, 
the  Chief  shot  through  the  bowels,  supported  by  a  squaw  and 


ADDRESS  BEFORE  THE  ORDER  OF  INDIAN  WARS 


421 


half  a  dozen  strapping  braves  after  him,  with  a  little  bunch  of 
women  and  children — our  first  prisoners.  They  had  slashed 
their  way  through  the  tepee  walls  when  aroused  by  Schwatka’s 
wild  charge  through  the  village  and  in  the  darkness  and  con¬ 
fusion  had  taken  refuge  in  this  little  ravine  while  the  rest  of 
their  people,  a  band  of  hunters  from  Crazy  Horse’s  tribe, 
scurried  off  into  the  bluffs.  One  or  two  lay  dead  in  the  cave¬ 
like  nook,  two  or  three,  men  and  women  both,  were  wounded, 
but  only  one  looked  scared, — a  poor  old  squaw,  who  clung  to 
Crook’s  hand  imploringly,  and  could  hardly  believe  Gruard’s 
assurance  that  they  were  to  be  fed  and  cared  for,  not  tortured. 

But  when  questioned  as  to  where  their  red  brothers  were, 
they  were  dumb.  7th  Cavalry  guidons,  Myles  Keogh’s  gaunt¬ 
lets,  scraps  of  cavalry  uniform  and  equipment  found  among 
the  lodges,  unerringly  told  the  tale  of  their  participation  in 
the  great  victory  of  the  25th  of  June,  hut  not  a  word  would 
they  say  as  to  the  whereabouts  of  the  big  Indian  village,  which 
Gruard  and  others  declared  to  be  within  striking  distance. 

And  before  five  o’clock  it  struck. 

The  most  spirited,  thrilling,  picturesque  warfare  I  had  seen 
that  summer,  was  the  dash  of  the  Cheyennes  down  the  slopes 
of  the  War  Bonnet  to  the  rescue  of  Yellow  Hand  and  his 
followers  who  had  stirred  up  our  outpost,  hut  this  late  after¬ 
noon  affair  in  the  dripping  mists  that  hovered  over  the  sodden 
prairie  of  Slim  Buttes  was  on  a  grander  scale,  where  numbers 
at  least  were  concerned. 

All  on  a  sudden  it  opened  and  for  nearly  an  hour  it  raged. 
From  every  coulee  and  ravine  northward,  west  and  southwest, 
from  behind  every  spur  and  ridge  and  divide,  every  mother’s 
son  of  them  well  mounted  and  equally  well  armed,  Sioux  by 
the  hundreds  came  dashing  down  upon  our  lines,  their  first 
and  fiercest  effort  apparently  aimed  at  the  herds  of  the  3rd 
and  5th  Cavalry.  The  crash  of  musketry,  the  shrill  chorus  of 
battle  cries  borne  on  the  wind,  was  our  first  intimation  at  5th 
Cavalry  headquarters,  and  Carr’s  “Sound  to  Arms,  Bradley!” 
our  first  summons  to  the  fight. 


422 


APPENDIX 


We  of  the  headquarters  party  of  the  5th  had  unsaddled  at 
the  south  side  of  the  amphitheatre.  The  attack  broke  on  the 
west  and  northwest,  then  gradually  encircled  the  big  position. 
“B”  Troop’s  herd, — all  grays, — startled  by  the  clamor,  had 
broken  away  from  the  guards  and  gone  galloping  out  to  the 
south,  but  before  ever  the  Sioux  could  reach  them  Corporal 
Clanton  and  a  few  troopers,  bare-backed,  had  spurred  beyond 
and  turned  them  eastward  and  then  into  the  lines.  In  less  than 
no  time,  silent,  swift  and  disciplined,  the  men  had  sprung  to 
ranks  and  were  scrambling  up  the  steep  banks  of  the  coulee. 
Then  the  lines  opened  out,  skirmish  fashion,  and  then,  it  was 
significant  of  their  caution  and  discretion,  the  circling  war¬ 
riors  veered  away.  Here  were  nearly  double  the  number  of 
white  men  who  had  faced  and  held  them  that  day  on  the  Rose¬ 
bud.  Here  were  no  such  numbers  of  Sioux  as  had  swarmed 
upon  Crook’s  1,100,  or  Custer’s  puny  force.  Lots  of  lead  they 
shot  and  lots  of  noise  they  made,  but  it  was  sweet  to  see  how 
shy  they  were  of  those  long  lines  of  silent  troopers  sprawled 
or  kneeling  on  the  turf.  And  then  from  the  center  of  the  big, 
irregular  circle,  there  came  striding  out  a  long  column  of  in¬ 
fantry,  heading  for  the  heights  southwest,  and  presently  their 
Springfields  joined  in  the  clamor.  It  was  getting  dusk,  and 
the  flashes  began  to  take  on  a  ruddy  tinge.  It  all  wound  up 
almost  as  suddenly  as  it  began.  I  doubt  if  a  thousand  Sioux 
were  present,  either  then  or  on  the  dripping,  dismal  morning 
that  followed,  when  Crook,  with  the  wounded  on  travois,  the 
infantry  and  the  2d  and  3d  Cavalry,  pushed  on  southward,  a 
flock  of  fat  ponies  alongside,  while  Upham’s  battalion  (five 
troops)  of  the  5th  covered  the  withdrawal  and  had  a  right 
smart  time  of  it  getting  out.  Twice  it  looked  as  though  they 
might  be  cut  off,  for  the  main  body,  in  the  long,  absurd  column 
of  twos,  then  the  rule  in  prairie  marching,  was  strung  out  a 
mile  or  more  southward.  But,  though  the  mounted  braves 
made  a  spirited  dash  or  two  around  the  flanks  of  the  long 
skirmish  line  retiring  afoot,  they  quit  presently  and  scampered 
back  to  save  what  they  could  from  the  burning  village.  A  few 


ADDRESS  BEFORE  THE  ORDER  OF  INDIAN  WARS 


423 


of  them  followed  at  respectful  distance  to  kill  off  stragglers 
or  pick  up  abandoned  horses,  but  Slim  Buttes,  to  all  intents 
and  purposes,  was  the  last  fight  of  the  summer  so  far  as  we 
were  concerned. 

The  awful  march  of  September  12th,  through  thirty  miles 
of  mud;  the  four  days  in  which  there  wasn’t  a  crumb  of  bread 
or  a  quid  of  tobacco  to  be  had  for  love  or  money;  the  final 
fording  of  the  Belle  Fourche  and  the  coming  of  the  wagons 
from  Deadwood,  with  bread,  crackers,  bacon,  flour  and  coffee, 
and  also  something  as  a  substitute  for  navy  plug  were  episodes 
not  soon  forgotten.  Never  before  or  since  had  I  seen  our  regu¬ 
lars  turned  into  ravening  wolves.  The  sight  or  scent  of  food 
was  too  much  for  discipline.  The  first  few  wagons  were 
mobbed  in  the  twinkling  of  an  eye  and  their  boxes  and  bar¬ 
rels  torn  to  shreds.  Out  of  the  mud  I  picked  up  three  ginger 
snaps  that  hadn’t  been  crunched  under  heel,  and  Mason  and 
Woodson,  my  messmates,  eagerly  shared  them  with  me. 

A  few  days  rest  here  and  then  came  the  leisurely  saunter 
southward,  nursing  our  horses.  Glorious  days  and  frosty, 
starlit  nights,  with  roaring  campfires,  full  stomachs,  fun,  feast¬ 
ing  and  song.  Three  weeks  of  loafing  along,  meeting  our 
wagons,  finally,  brought  round  all  the  way  from  Fetterman 
and  Laramie,  and  looking  for  the  recruits  by  the  hundred, 
and  as  many  horses  on  their  way  to  meet  us — horses  that  had 
been  fed,  groomed  and  petted,  while  ours,  poor  brutes,  had 
been  starved  and  slaughtered. 

On  October  13th,  Merritt  led  a  long  column  of  us  scouting 
down  the  South  Cheyenne,  a  week  of  luxurious  ease,  with 
tentage  and  warm  clothing.  Then  back  and  southward  again 
we  went,  to  take  part  in  the  general  roundup  and  disarming 
of  the  Ogallallas  and  Brules,  deposing  Bed  Cloud  and  ex¬ 
alting  Spotted  Tail,  at  the  agencies.  Here  we  gossiped  a  day 
or  two,  at  old  Fort  Bobinson,  with  Mackenzie  and  the  4th 
Cavalry,  en  route,  as  you  will  remember,  in  search  for  Dull 
Knife  and  his  Cheyennes,  whom  they  found  in  full  force  one 
sharp  November  night  away  up  near  the  Big  Horn  range  again. 


424 


APPENDIX 


and  spoiled  a  war  dance  and  smashed  up  their  village,  but  lost 
gallant  Jack  McKinney,  riding  in  at  the  charge  at  the  head  of 
his  little  troop. 

It  was  there  at  Fort  Robinson,  the  fag  end  of  October,  Crook 
dissolved  the  “B.  H.  &  Y.”  in  a  stirring  order  in  Nickerson’s  best 
style,  and  again  we  jogged  away  southward,  reaching  our 
winter  stations  along  the  Union  Pacific  in  abundant  time  and 
mood  for  Thanksgiving,  but  a  strange  sight  to  civilized  eyes 
about  Cheyenne,  still  in  field  garb,  with  hardly  a  trace  of  regu¬ 
lation  uniform,  bearded,  gaunt  and  devil-may-care,  but  hard 
as  nails,  and,  except  in  the  case  of  a  few  elders  semi-invalided 
at  the  outset,  none  the  worse  for  the  long  months  of  hardship 
and  privation.  And  then  came  pay-day,  the  first  in  half  a  year, 
and  half  the  garrison  of  old  Fort  Russell  went  in  to  Cheyenne 
to  see  how  soon  they  could  spend  it,  and  of  all  the  sprees  that 
blessed  old  frontier  metropolis  has  aided  and  abetted,  that  was 
the  gem  of  the  lot. 

And  now  for  the  summing  up.  What  had  we  accomplished? 
We  were  out  again,  late  the  following  summer,  still  further 
away  to  the  northwest,  even  to  Heart  Mountain  and  the  head  of 
Clark’s  Fork,  in  the  effort  to  enmesh  Chief  Joseph  with  his 
Nez  Perces,  who  outfought  Gibbon  and  the  7th  Infantry  at  Big 
Hole,  outfooted  Howard  and  the  men  of  the  Columbia,  out¬ 
witted  Sturgis  and  the  7th  Cavalry,  and  twisting,  turning, 
dodging,  with  superb  skill,  was  only  tackled  and  thrown  by 
Miles  and  the  5th  Infantry  within  short  march  of  the  British 
line,  adding  Owen  Hale,  and  Biddle  to  the  long  list  of  the  gal¬ 
lants  of  Custer’s  old  command  that  “bit  the  dust”  under  the 
leaden  hail  of  the  red  riders  of  the  north.  We  were  out  after 
the  Cheyennes  in  ’78,  through  the  sand  hills  of  Nebraska — a 
heroic,  hard-used  band  that  won  the  admiration  of  their  cap- 
tors  of  the  3d  Cavalry,  and  broke  loose  still  once  again,  only  to 
be  finally  run  down  and  almost  begged  to  surrender,  so  unwill¬ 
ing  were  the  soldiery  to  slaughter  more  of  them.  Did  not  Chase 
and  Wessels,  of  the  3d,  link  arms  and  march  up  to  their  breast¬ 
works  in  vain  effort  to  convince  them  they  would  risk  death 


ADDRESS  BEFORE  THE  ORDER  OF  INDIAN  WARS 


425 


rather  than  shed  the  blood  of  such  valiant  foeman.  Not  until 
’79,  after  three  years  of  ceaseless  scout  and  fight,  was  Miles 
himself  enabled  to  gather  in  the  last  remnant  of  Sitting  Bull’s 
exhausted  followers. 

And  all,  said  our  critics,  because  when  we  had  them  well 
nigh  surrounded  in  ’76  we  “let  them  go  scot  free.” 

Let  us  look  into  this :  The  only  time  we  can  be  said  to  have 
had  them  between  our  lines  was  during  the  early  summer, 
when  Crook,  from  the  south,  found  them  too  strong  on  the 
Rosebud  and  wisely  fell  back  to  his  wagons;  when  eight  days 
later,  Custer  swung  hard  at  their  center  and  died  as  the 
result;  when  Terry  and  Gibbon,  two  days  later  still,  coming 
from  the  north,  marched  into  a  deserted  village  site  on  the 
left  bank  of  the  Little  Horn,  with  a  populous  city  of  the  dead 
on  the  other.  Even  then  the  wide  west  was  open  to  the  Sioux, 
in  the  event  of  disaster. 

But  they  declined  battle  with  Terry,  Gibbon  and  what  was 
left  of  the  7th  Cavalry;  moved  off  into  the  Big  Horn  Range 
until  sure  the  adversary  had  retired  to  the  Yellowstone,  then 
returned  to  the  Rosebud  neighborhood  until  satisfied  that, 
heavily  reinforced,  the  columns  again  would  essay  to  pen  them; 
then  leisurely  moved  their  barbaric  goods  and  chattels, 
families,  ponies  and  dogs,  eastward  toward  the  Little  Missouri. 
Mr.  Camp  has  told  us  that  Sitting  Bull,  with  most  of  his  war¬ 
riors,  went  far  to  the  southeast  and  camped  close  to  Slim 
Buttes,  sending  in  to  Red  Cloud  eager  entreaties  to  the  South¬ 
ern  Cheyennes  to  come  out  and  join  them,  but  the  Southern 
Cheyennes  had  thought  it  all  over  since  the  17th  of  July,  and 
decided  to  hold  aloof. 

By  the  time  our  two  thousand  struck  that  outlying  camp  at 
Slim  Buttes,  men  were  weakening  from  hunger,  and  many 
horses  were  already  gone.  Thirty,  at  least,  had  been  shot  for 
food,  a  few  had  been  abandoned  and  a  hundred  were  too  weak 
to  carry  so  much  as  a  saddle.  None,  not  one,  was  fit  for  a  fight 
or  a  chase.  Sitting  Bull  and  his  warriors  on  their  nimble  ponies 
could  have  laughed  at  us.  Such  fighting  as  was  done,  except 


426 


APPENDIX 


Schwatka’s  dash,  was  afoot.  One  thing  it  did  accomplish:  the 
Sioux  became  convinced  the  Great  Father  was  at  last  in  earnest 
and  that  no  longer  in  driblets,  but  by  battalions,  his  soldiery 
would  be  seeking  them  summer  and  winter  from  that  time 
forth,  as  indeed  under  General  Miles  they  did.  Moreover,  how¬ 
ever  clumsily  from  the  Indian  point  of  view,  he  realized  that 
the  white  soldier  could  certainly  fight.  From  that  summer, 
therefore,  the  Red  Man  began  to  lose  hope.  The  inevitable 
came  when  at  last  Sitting  Bull’s  half  starved  followers  gave 
ear  to  the  truth  and  to  General  Miles,  and  the  wily  old  chief 
saw  fit  to  come  in  and  be  lionized.  Except  for  the  Ghost  Dance 
excitement  of  the  winter  of  1890,  the  unhappy  and  unnecessary 
clash  and  killing  at  Wounded  Knee,  we  saw  the  last  of  Indian 
warfare; — the  word  the  chieftains  pledged  to  Nelson  Miles  at 
Pine  Ridge  Agency  that  winter  has  been  kept  inviolate. 

So  it  is  all  a  memory  now,  but  what  a  memory  to  cherish ! 
A  warfare  in  which  the  soldier  of  the  United  States  had  no 
hope  of  honors  if  victorious,  no  hope  of  mercy  if  he  fell;  slow 
death  by  hideous  torture  if  taken  alive,  sheer  abuse  from  press 
and  pulpit  if,  as  was  often  inevitable,  Indian  woman  or  child 
was  killed.  A  warfare  that  called  us  through  the  cliffs  and 
canons  of  the  southwest,  the  lava  beds  and  labyrinths  of  Modoc 
land,  the  wind-swept  plains  of  Texas,  the  rigors  of  Montana 
winters,  the  blistering  heat  of  midsummer  suns,  fighting  oft- 
times  against  a  foe  for  whom  we  felt  naught  but  sympathy, 
yet  knew  the  response  could  only  be  a  deathless  hate.  Who  of 
our  number  would  willingly  at  the  outset  have  dealt  a  blow  to 
the  Christian  Nez  Perces?  Who  of  our  number  would  not 
gladly  have  spared  the  heroic  band  that  broke  from  the  prison 
pen  at  Robinson  and  died  disdaining  to  surrender?  Who  of 
our  number  did  not  feel  a  thrill  of  soldier  pity  when  that 
gallant  fellow,  Crazy  Horse,  was  done  to  death  resisting  un¬ 
looked  for  arrest  at  old  Camp  Robinson? 

A  more  thankless  task,  a  more  perilous  service,  a  more  ex¬ 
acting  test  of  leadership,  soldiership,  morale  and  discipline 
no  army  in  Christendom  has  ever  been  called  upon  to  under¬ 
take  than  that  which  for  eighty  years  was  the  lot  of  the  little 


ADDRESS  BEFORE  THE  ORDER  OE  INDIAN  WARS 


427 


lighting  force  of  regulars  who  cleared  the  way  across  the  con¬ 
tinent  for  the  emigrant  and  settler,  who  summer  and  winter 
stood  guard  over  the  wide  frontier,  whose  lives  were  spent 
in  almost  utter  isolation,  whose  lonely  death  was  marked 
and  mourned  only  by  sorrowing  comrade,  or  mayhap  grief- 
stricken  widow  and  children  left  destitute  and  despairing. 
There  never  was  a  warfare  on  the  face  of  the  earth  in  which 
the  soldier,  officer,  or  man,  had  so  little  to  gain,  so  very  much 
to  lose.  There  never  was  a  warfare  which,  like  this,  had  abso¬ 
lutely  nothing  to  hold  the  soldier  stern  and  steadfast  to  the 
bitter  end,  but  the  solemn  sense  of  Soldier  Duty. 

Yet,  as  it  had  just  that  one  inspiration,  so  has  it  had  at  least 
one  compensation  that  we  may  well  hold  and  cherish.  In  no 
other  warfare  that  I  ever  heard  of  were  officers  and  men  so 
closely  drawn  together.  Wearing  the  same  rough  garb,  shar¬ 
ing  the  same  rations,  or  lack  of  them,— sometimes  even  the 
same  blanket,  facing  the  same  peril  and  enduring  the  same 
hardship,  there  grew  up  between  the  rank  and  file  and  their 
platoon  and  troop  leaders,  at  least,  a  sense  of  comradeship 
and  sympathy  that  years  of  garrison  service  or  long  cam¬ 
paigning  against  civilized  foemen  could  never  have  brought 
about.  As  to  one’s  fellows,  captain  or  subaltern  or  senior,  the 
close  touch,  the  constant  intimacy,  with  all  the  veneer  and 
polish  of  social  life  rubbed  away  until  the  man  and  the  soldier 
stood  alone  revealed,  enabled  us  to  know  each  other  as  even 
in  cadet  days  at  West  Point  we  did  not  know,  and  to  find  that 
in  nine  cases  out  of  ten  the  sterling,  stanch,  manful  attributes 
outweighed  by  far  the  little  asperities,— the  traits  that  some¬ 
how  sometimes  jarred  just  a  bit  in  the  monotone  of  garrison 
life;  and  men  came  back  from  such  campaigns  with  ever  grow¬ 
ing  regard  for  the  comrades  of  the  rude  billet  and  bivouac,  to 
the  end  that  the  friendships  there  cemented,  the  comradeships 
there  tried  and  tested  through  peril,  privation  and  hardship, 
have  stood  first  and  foremost  through  the  long  chain  of  years 
and  found  their  best  reward,  their  enduring  form,  in  this  fra¬ 
ternity  of  veterans  of  the  old  frontier,  our  honored  Order  of 
Indian  Wars ! 


428 


APPENDIX 


REPORT  OF  GEN.  MILLS  ON  THE  RATTLE  OF 
SLIM  RUTTES 

Headquarters  Detachment  Third  Cavalry, 

In  Bivouac  on  Rabbit  Creek,  Dakota,  September  9,  1876. 

Lieut.  George  F.  Chase, 

Adjutant  Battalion  Third  Cavalry : 

Sir:  I  have  the  honor  to  submit  the  following  report  of  the 
engagement  of  this  date  between  my  command  and  a  village 
of  thirty-seven  lodges,  under  Brule  Sioux  Chiefs  American 
Horse  and  Roman  Nose,  at  Slim  Ruttes,  Dakota  Territory. 

My  command  consisted  of  four  officers  and  150  enlisted  men, 
all  from  the  Third  Cavalry,  save  Lieutenant  Bubb,  Fourth 
Infantry,  acting  commissary  subsistence  and  acting  quarter¬ 
master  to  the  general  commanding  the  expedition,  being  fif¬ 
teen  men  from  each  of  the  ten  companies  of  the  regiment  serv¬ 
ing  with  the  expedition,  selected  with  reference  to  both  men 
and  horses;  one  chief  packer,  Thomas  Moore;  fifteen  packers, 
and  sixtv-one  pack  mules. 

Lieut.  Emmet  Crawford  commanded  the  detachment  of  75 
men  from  Second  Battalion,  and  Lieut.  A.  H.  Von  Luettwitz 
commanded  the  detachment  of  same  strength  from  the  First 
Battalion. 

The  detachment  separated  from  the  expedition  on  the  night 
of  the  7th,  at  camp  on  a  branch  of  the  North  Fork  of  Grand 
River,  with  orders  to  proceed  as  rapidly  as  possible  to  Dead- 
wood  City,  in  the  Black  Hills,  for  rations,  the  expedition  being 
then  in  almost  a  destitute  condition. 

Lieut.  Frederick  Sehwatka  was  appointed  adjutant  to  the 
detachment.  The  command  marched  south  at  7  p.m.,  under  the 
guidance  of  Mr.  Frank  Gruard,  chief  to  the  guide,  assisted  by 
Captain  Jack,  18  miles,  and  camped  because  of  the  utter  dark¬ 
ness.  Marched  at  daylight  on  the  8th  through  heavy  rain  and 
mud,  when,  at  3  p.m.,  the  guide  discovered,  on  the  slope  of 
Slim  Buttes,  some  forty  ponies  grazing,  about  three  miles 
distant.  As  the  commanding  general  had  instructed  me  to 
lose  no  opportunity  to  strike  a  village,  the  command  was 
rapidly  put  out  of  sight,  when  I,  with  the  guides,  proceeded 
to  ascertain,  if  possible,  if  there  was  a  village,  and  its  loca¬ 
tion.  The  approaches  were  so  difficult,  that  it  was  impossible 
for  us  to  learn  anything  without  being  discovered  until  dark, 


THE  BATTLE  OF  SLIM  BUTTES 


429 


when  I  decided  to  move  back  about  a  mile  and  put  the  com¬ 
mand  in  a  deep  gorge,  wait  there  until  2  o’clock  a.m.,  and 
attack  at  daylight.  The  night  was  one  of  the  ugliest  I  ever 
passed — dark,  cold,  rainy,  and  muddy  in  the  extreme.  At 
2  a.m.,  we  moved  to  within  a  mile  of  the  village,  where  I  left 
the  pack-train,  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  horses,  with 
twenty-five  men  to  hold  them,  under  the  command  of  Lieu¬ 
tenant  Bubb,  and  marched  on.  Crawford  and  Von  Luettwitz, 
each  with  fifty  men  dismounted,  and  Schwatka  with  twenty- 
five  men  mounted,  the  plan  being,  if  possible,  for  Crawford  to 
close  on  one  side  of  the  village  and  Von  Luettwitz  on  the  other, 
when  Schwatka  was  to  charge  through  at  the  bugle’s  sound, 
drive  off  all  the  stock,  when  the  dismounted  men  would  close 
on  them;  but  when  we  were  within  a  hundred  yards  of  the 
lower  end  of  the  village,  which  was  situated  on  either  side  of 
a  small  creek  called  Rabbit  Creek,  a  small  herd  of  loose  ponies 
stampeded  and  ran  through  the  village.  Gruard  informed  me 
that  all  chance  for  a  total  surprise  was  lost,  when  I  ordered 
the  charge  sounded,  and  right  gallantly  did  Schwatka  with 
his  twenty-five  men  execute  it. 

Immediately,  the  dismounted  detachments  closed  on  the 
south  side  and  commenced  firing  on  the  Indians,  who,  finding 
themselves  laced  in  their  lodges,  the  leather  drawn  tight  as 
a  drum  by  the  rain,  had  quickly  cut  themselves  out  with  their 
knives  and  returned  our  fire,  the  squaws  carrying  the  dead, 
wounded,  and  children  up  the  opposite  bluffs,  leaving  every¬ 
thing  but  their  limited  night-clothes  in  our  possession, 
Schwatka  having  rounded  up  the  principal  part  of  the  herd. 

All  this  occurred  about  day-break.  Lieutenant  Von  Luett¬ 
witz,  while  gallantly  cheering  his  men,  was  severally  wounded 
at  almost  the  first  volley,  grasping  my  arm  as  he  fell. 

I  then  turned  my  attention  to  getting  up  the  pack-train  and 
led  horses,  which  was  quite  a  difficult  task;  and  Gruard  in¬ 
forming  me  from  trails,  the  action  of  the  Indians,  and  other 
indications  that  he  was  satisfied  there  were  other  villages  near, 
I  sent  two  couriers  to  General  Crook,  advising  what  I  was  do¬ 
ing,  and  requesting  him  to  hurry  forward  as  rapidly  as  pos¬ 
sible. 

The  Indians,  as  soon  as  they  had  their  squaws  and  children 
in  security,  returned  to  the  contest,  and  soon  completely  en¬ 
compassed  us  with  a  skirmish-line,  and  as  my  command  was 
almost  entirely  engaged  with  the  wounded,  the  held  horses,  and 


430 


APPENDIX 


the  skirmish-line,  I  determined  to  leave  the  collection  of  the 
property  and  provisions,  with  which  the  village  was  rich,  to  the 
main  command  on  its  arrival. 

American  Horse  and  his  family,  with  some  wounded,  had 
taken  refuge  in  a  deep  gorge  in  the  village,  and  their  dislodg- 
ment  was  also,  from  its  difficulty,  left  to  the  coming  re-enforce¬ 
ments. 

The  Indians  were  constantly  creeping  to  points  near  enough 
to  annoy  our  wounded,  and  Lieutenants  Bubb  and  Crawford 
rendered  themselves  conspicuous  in  driving  them  each  with 
their  small  mounted  detachments. 

The  head  of  General  Crook’s  column  arrived  at  11.30  a.m. 
and  American  Horse,  mortally  wounded,  his  family  of  some 
twelve  persons,  two  warriors,  a  niece  of  Red  Cloud,  and  four 
dead  bodies  were  taken  from  the  gorge;  not,  however,  without 
loss. 

About  5  p.m.  the  Indians  resumed  the  contest  with  more  than 
double  their  force,  but  were  handsomely  repulsed  by  our  then 
strong  command. 

I  learned  from  the  prisoners  that  Crazy  Horse,  with  the 
Cheyennes,  a  village  of  some  three  hundred  lodges,  was  within 
eight  or  ten  miles,  and  that  the  strength  of  the  village  taken 
consisted  of  about  two  hundred  souls,  one  hundred  of  whom 
were  warriors. 

My  loss  was: 

Killed. — Prviate  John  Winzel,  Company  A,  Third  Cavalry. 

Wounded.— First  Lieut.  A.  H.  Von  Luettwitz,  severely;  Ser¬ 
geant  John  A.  Kirkwood,  Company  M,  Third  Cavalry;  Sergeant 
Edward  Glass,  Company  E,  Third  Cavalry;  Private  Edward 
Kicrnan,  Company  E,  Third  Cavalry;  Private  William  B. 
DuBois,  Company  C,  Third  Cavalry;  Private  August  Doran, 
Company  D,  Third  Calvary;  Private  Charles  Foster,  Company 
B,  Third  Cavalry. 

It  is  impossible  to  estimate  the  enemy’s  loss,  as  they  were 
principally  carried  away,  although  several  were  left  on  the 
field. 

We  captured  a  vast  amount  of  provisions  and  property,  over 
3.500  pounds  dried  meat,  large  quantities  of  dried  fruit,  robes, 
ammunition,  and  arms,  and  clothing,  and  175  ponies,  all  of 
which,  not  appropriated  to  the  use  of  the  command,  was  ut¬ 
terly  destroyed.  Among  the  trophies  was  a  guidon  of  the 
Seventh  Cavalry7,  a  pair  of  gloves  marked  Colonel  Keogh,  3 


THE  BATTLE  OF  SLIM  BUTTES 


431 


Seventh  Cavalry  horses,  and  many  other  articles  recognized 
to  have  belonged  to  General  Custer’s  command. 

It  is  usual  for  commanding  officers  to  call  special  attention 
to  acts  of  distinguished  courage,  and  I  trust  the  extraordinary 
circumstances  of  calling  on  125  men  to  attack,  in  the  darkness, 
and  in  the  wilderness,  and  on  the  heels  of  the  late  appalling 
disasters  to  their  comrades,  a  village  of  unknown  strength,  and 
in  the  gallant  manner  in  which  they  executed  everything  re¬ 
quired  of  them  to  my  entire  satisfaction,  will  warrant  me  in 
recommending  for  brevet  Lieutenants  Bubb,  Crawford,  Yon 
Leuttwitz,  and  Schwatka;  and  for  medals  the  following  en¬ 
listed  men,  who  also  appeared  to  excel:  Sergeant  Galob  Bigal- 
ski,  Co.  A,  Third  Cavalry;  Sergeant  Peter  Forster,  Co.  I,  Third 
Cavalry;  Sergeant  Edward  Glass,  Co.  E,  Third  Cavalry;  Ser¬ 
geant  W.  H.  Conklin,  Co.  G,  Third  Cavalry;  Sergeant  John  A. 
Kirkwood,  Co.  M,  Third  Cavalry;  Coporal  Frank  Askwell,  Co. 
I,  Third  Cavalry;  Corporal  John  Cohen,  Co.  F,  Third  Cavalry; 
Corporal  John  D.  Sanders,  Co.  D,  Third  Cavalry;  Private  John 
Hale,  Co.  C,  Third  Cavalry;  Private  Edward  Kiernan,  Co.  E, 
Third  Cavalry;  Private  William  DuBois,  Co.  C.  Third  Cavalry; 
Private  Bobert  Smith,  Co.  M,  Third  Cavalry;  also  Mr.  Thomas 
Moore,  chief  packer. 

I  am,  sir,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

Anson  Mills, 

Captain  Third  Cavalry,  Commanding  Detachment. 


Date  due 


923.573 

Mills 

M657M  480057 

_ My  story.  . 

DATE 

ISSUED  TO 

923-573 


M657H 


480057 


